Quantcast
Channel: SAMURAI POLICE 1109
Viewing all 1603 articles
Browse latest View live

DEFEATING THE DEVIL’S GAME: VOTING NO ON PROPOSITION 34 (NOVEMBER 6, 2012) [THE DEBATE OF THE MONTH ~ NOVEMBER 2012]

$
0
0


PLEASE GO TO THESE TWO BLOG POSTS OF UNIT 1012 BLOG FOR THE DEBATE OF THE MONTH.

1. VOTE YES OR NO TO PROPOSITION 34? [THE DEBATE OF THE FORTNIGHT ~ SUNDAY 4 NOVEMBER 2012 TO SATURDAY 17 NOVEMBER 2012]

2. DEFEATING THE DEVIL’S GAME: VOTING NO ON PROPOSITION 34 (NOVEMBER 6, 2012) [THE DEBATE OF THE MONTH ~ NOVEMBER 2012]



CAPITAL PUNISHMENT IS NECESSARY; NO ON PROP 34 [ARTICLE ON THE DEATH PENALTY OF THE WEEK ~ SUNDAY NOVEMBER 3, 2013 TO SATURDAY NOVEMBER 9, 2013]

$
0
0


NOTICE: The following article is written by the author itself and not by me, I am not trying to violate their copyright. I will give some information on them. On this date, November 6, 2012, Proposition 34 was defeated in California. I chose this article as the article on the death penalty of the week to honor the defeat of evil.
                                
ARTICLE TITLE: Capital punishment is necessary; No on Prop. 34
DATE: Tuesday October 23, 2012
AUTHOR: Benjamin Zycher
AUTHOR INFORMATION: Benjamin Zycher is the president of Benjamin Zycher Economics Associates Inc., a senior fellow at the Pacific Research Institute, and an adjunct professor of Economics and Business at the Martin V. Smith School of Business and Economics, California State University, Channel Islands. He is an associate in the Intelligence Community Associate Program of the Office of Economic Analysis, Bureau of Intelligence and Research, U.S. Department of State. He served as a senior staff economist for the President's Council of Economic Advisers from July 1981 to July 1983. While at AEI, he is working on a monograph that will describe the economic viability of renewable energy.

Benjamin Zycher
Remember Jesse James Hollywood? He is serving a life sentence (without the possibility of parole) for the kidnapping and murder of 15-year-old Nicholas Markowitz in August 2000. His case is a classic example of why an effective system of capital punishment must be established and preserved, and thus why Proposition 34 must be defeated Nov. 6.

After Hollywood "called his lawyer and learned the severe penalty for kidnapping, police say, [Hollywood and his accomplices] decided they had to kill Nicholas" (Los Angeles Times, Aug. 26, 2001). In other words, since the penalty for kidnapping was a life sentence, or close to it, the marginal (or "extra") penalty for murdering the young and innocent Markowitz was perceived to be small to zero, in that the actual application of capital punishment in California was, and remains, both unusual and subject to long delay.

More generally: If a criminal faces a life term for a given crime, and if there is no effective threat of a death sentence, why not get rid of the witnesses? Stiff penalties deter crimes – the scholarly literature is quite clear that most criminals respond rationally to incentives – but if the structure of the penalty system makes even stiffer penalties difficult to impose, that structure actually can encourage crimes even more egregious.

Consider the California "three strikes" law. The first two strikes must be felonies that are serious and/or violent. But the third strike carries a life term for any felony, whether or not serious or violent, so that a two-strike criminal pondering his next offense faces the same life sentence for attempted murder, auto theft, or mere drug possession.

Yes, California has adopted discretion on the part of prosecutors and judges as to whether to count certain crimes as third strikes. But such an ad hoc approach is problematic both in practice and as a general principle in a nation that is supposed to be governed by a rule of law. (This is why conservatives interested in a serious public stance toward crime should vote "Yes" on the Proposition 36 effort to reform the "three-strikes" law so that only serious or violent third strikes may result in life sentences.)

Moreover, the third-strike discretion now used is useless in the context of the most serious crimes in the absence of capital punishment. Such crimes as attempted murder, aggravated rape or kidnapping for ransom are so egregious that they appropriately carry very stiff penalties approximating life sentences. In the absence of capital punishment, that necessarily reduces the marginal penalties for offenses even worse, a state of affairs that can be predicted to increase the rate at which such terrible crimes are committed.

One way around this deterrence problem is to reduce penalties for the large array of lesser crimes so as to preserve marginal deterrence for the more serious ones. But that would yield an increase in the rate at which the lesser crimes – many of which are hardly trivial – are committed, and might actually increase the rate at which the truly serious crimes are observed, in that some such offenses are unplanned outcomes of lesser felonies.

After all, for example, some murders committed during convenience-store holdups are not envisioned by the robbers beforehand. In short, an attempt to preserve marginal deterrence by reducing penalties across the board is likely to increase serious crime generally. And given the very small likelihood that an innocent actually will be executed, such an across-the-board reduction in penalties is likely to increase the taking of innocent life on net, in this case by criminals rather than by state governments.

Therefore, a society serious about deterring egregious crimes generally and murders in particular, and anxious to use punishment as a moral expression of the value of innocent life, must have an effective system of capital punishment.

Both the moral pursuit of justice and the practical preservation of political support require that those accused of capital crimes be given the resources – say, $500,000 – necessary for a serious defense and appellate process. This hardly would be an important fiscal burden in a state with a GDP approximating $2 trillion, whatever our economic and fiscal problems. Such a political compromise restoring an effective system of capital punishment might also include a new state court of appeal specializing in capital cases, combined with strict time limits on the number and length of appeals. This new court would be subordinate to the Supreme Court, but the latter would be likely to accept few or no appeals from the former.

The common argument that a humane society cannot risk even one execution of an innocent is misguided: Just as most of us risk death daily in order to drive automobiles, participate in extreme sports, or watch the Lifetime channel, it is axiomatic that virtually anyone would be willing to bear the infinitesimal risk of wrongful execution in order to obtain the far more important reductions in serious crime that an effective system of capital punishment makes possible.

Capital punishment is an extremely difficult business. The alternative is worse.

THE BRIMOB FIRNG SQUAD (THE EXECUTION OF THE BALI BOMBERS ON 9 NOVEMBER 2008) [THE WEAPON OF THE FORTNIGHT ~ SUNDAY NOVEMBER 3, 2013 TO SATURDAY NOVEMBER 16, 2013]

$
0
0

              On this date, 9 November 2008, the Amrozi A.K.A the Smiling Assassin was executed together with Imam Samudra and Ali Ghufron Mukhlas by firing squad in Nusa Kambangan Island, Indonesia. They were involved in the 2002 Bail Bombings

            I chose the Brimob firing Squad as the weapon of the fortnight to remember the day I changed from an opponent to a supporter of the death penalty. 




Single men only in Bali bomber firing squad
 
TRAINING ... target shooting by Brimob paramilitary police who will make up the firing squads to execute the Bali bombers Amrozi, Mukhlas and Imam Samudra.Source: The Courier-Mail

THE men chosen to form the firing squad for the Bali bombers will be single with no children, and will have passed psychological and health checks. 

They will also be good shots with a rifle - most probably an SS1 and using 5.5mm bullets.

They will have practised on police firing ranges shooting at targets. And they will not generally say no when assigned to form a firing squad.

Three squads of 12 shooters each, plus a commander and senior member, will be chosen soon to shoot Amrozi, Mukhlas and Imam Samudra, possibly as early as this weekend.

The squads will be chosen from the Brimob, or the Brigadier Mobile brigade of the paramilitary police, in the Central Java region, closest to where the executions will take place. The headquarters of the Central Java region is the city of Semarang, about six hours' drive from the execution site. 

This week when The Courier-Mail visited the Brimob headquarters in Semarang, members of Brimob were engaged in their regular shooting and target practice on their firing range.

 They aimed and fired at targets including life-size cut-outs of a human figures and circles.

Initially they fired from 100m away, then moved in to 75m and 50m. They fired from standing and kneeling positions and practised tactical moves.

As shooting and target practice is part of their normal routine, commanders say they don't need to do anything special in order to qualify for a firing squad because all can shoot well.

Every member of Brimob is subjected to regular written and oral psychological tests and to medicals to ensure they are mentally up to the job. And this includes those in firing squads.

Sources say that when it comes to a firing squad the commander prefers to choose single men with no children to lessen potential psychological problems for those who might be uneasy about taking the life of a fellow human being.

The Brimob chief in Central Java, Commissioner Wahyudi Hidayat, said there were 11 divisions of Brimob in Central Java, consisting of 170 members each and that the Bali bomber firing squads would be chosen from those 1870 members. He said the commanders knew their members well and would choose the squads.

"All of Brimob has been trained to do jobs like the firing squad," he said.

"We don't have any specific team for the firing squad because everybody must be trained to do it. We just do normal basic Brimob training and we have shooting training almost every day."

Of the 12 shooters, only three have live bullets in their weapons - the other nine have blanks - and to salve consciences no one is meant to know who has the lives and who has the blanks. The guns are laid out on the ground and members are told to choose one shortly before execution hour.

Under legislation, if the prisoner does not die immediately from the firing squad, the commander fires an "amnesty shot" to the head with a revolver.

PLEASE GO TO THESE BLOG POSTS TO LEARN MORE ABOUT THE BALI BOMBERS:

1.THE 2002 BALI BOMBINGS’ KEY DATES

2. Imam Samudra

3. Ali Ghufron Mukhlas

4. WHY AM I SMILING? [THE TRIAL OF AMROZI]

5. SHOOT STRAIGHT! DON’T MISS! – TIME TO GUN AMROZI DOWN!

A CHRISTIAN PERSPECTIVE ON THE EXECUTION OF THE SMILING ASSASSIN [CHRISTIAN ARTICLE FOR THE DEATH PENALTY ~ SUNDAY NOVEMBER 3, 2013 TO SATURDAY NOVEMBER 16, 2013]

$
0
0


 On this date, 9 November 2008, the Amrozi A.K.A the Smiling Assassin was executed together with Imam Samudra and Ali Ghufron Mukhlas by firing squad in Nusa Kambangan Island, Indonesia. They were involved in the 2002 Bail Bombings



Amrozi the Smiling Assassin being escorted by police officers.
             I write this article not to make fun of Islam or any Muslims (I do have Muslim friends) but to share my Christian perspective on why I feel that Amrozi must die for his crimes. I would also take this opportunity to rebut that nun, Helen Prejean who has a great habit of asking people to oppose capital punishment.

            As I felt for the 202 victims and survivors of the 2002 Bali Bombings, I thought of this bible verse:


So you shall not pollute the land where you are; for blood defiles the land, and no atonement can be made for the land, for the blood that is shed on it, except by the blood of him who shed it.
– Numbers 35 verse 33 (NKJV)


            I felt that Amrozi and the other two Bali Bombers must pay with their lives of there will not be any justice at all. He had caused the death of 202 innocent people who did not deserve to die. 

From left to right: Ali Ghufron Mukhlas, Imam Samudra & Amrozi

Grief will remain, says sister of mercy
By Penelope Debelle
August 8, 2003





It would be natural, said Sister Helen Prejean, for families of Bali victims to want the convicted bomber Amrozi to suffer a painful death.

"Every one of them would want to take that person with their bare hands and kill [him]," said Sister Helen, an opponent of capital punishment who gives spiritual counselling to those on death row in US prisons. Her book Dead Man Walking inspired an Academy Award-winning film starring Susan Sarandon and now a contemporary opera, performed in Adelaide yesterday.

"It is the expression of their loss, their confusion, their grief, maybe even part of their feelings of guilt as parents," she said.

But Sister Helen, who has counselled six men before their execution by injection, warned that Amrozi's death would not meet the emotional needs of families affected by the bombing.
"When we have lost a loved one and it was done by another, it is easy to focus the anger on the one who did that," she said in Adelaide, where she met and counselled magistrate Brian Deegan, whose son Josh died in the Bali blast.

"But killing them is an act of despair that says, 'The only thing we can do with you, since you did this, is to imitate you'. It shows that we as a society have sunk to their level."

Sister Helen, who attended the State Opera of South Australia performance last night of Dead Man Walking, said the execution of the Oklahoma bomber Timothy McVeigh, who killed 168 people, showed that capital punishment of offenders did not offer healing for victims' families.

"[They] were allowed to watch through closed circuit television while the state killed him. By then over half the families knew that it would bring them no satisfaction, that they still had to deal with the loss of their loved one. One man whose daughter was killed said they could kill Timothy McVeigh a thousand times but when he came home he still had to deal with the empty chair."

Mr Deegan opposed the death penalty for Amrozi because it would not bring his son back and would turn Amrozi into a martyr.

 
<<"But killing them is an act of despair that says, 'The only thing we can do with you, since you did this, is to imitate you'. It shows that we as a society have sunk to their level.">>
 
REBUTTAL: No way, as a Born Again Christian and a former opponent of the death penalty myself, I used to agree with Helen Prejean, but not anymore. The execution of the Bali Bombers was one of the many reasons that caused me to change from a strong opponent to a supporter of the death penalty. From November 8 to 9, 2008, I did not see Helen Prejean holding a candlelight vigil and protesting the Bali Bombers’ execution at the Indonesian embassy in Washington DC. All she does is talk and talk but no action if she really means that she is against the execution.    

            The Indonesian Justice System is not imitating the Bali Bombers when they executed them by the firing squad; they are meting out justice and protection. They have not sunk to the level of the Terrorists.

            The Bali Bombers now belong to The Legion of Doom: The 13 Dead Terrorists. The 13 evil men were either executed or killed by military action. Are the soldiers or executioners all stooping to their level?

Helen Prejean, was the Prophet Samuel sinking to the level of King Agag the Amalekite King (who was a murderer) when he executed him? No, the Prophet Samuel was obeying God in following Genesis 9 verse 6.


Please read I Samuel 15 of the Bible.

"[They] were allowed to watch through closed circuit television while the state killed him. By then over half the families knew that it would bring them no satisfaction, that they still had to deal with the loss of their loved one. One man whose daughter was killed said they could kill Timothy McVeigh a thousand times but when he came home he still had to deal with the empty chair."

Mr Deegan opposed the death penalty for Amrozi because it would not bring his son back and would turn Amrozi into a martyr.

REBUTTAL: I do not buy that at all, as usual, Helen Prejeanonly speaks about Bud Welch who was the only one of the victims’ families who oppose the death penalty. Most of those whose loved ones were killed in the Oklahoma City Bombing wanted Timothy McVeigh to pay with his life. Helen Prejean, why do you not care for them too?

            Amrozi was all along a coward and he did not want to die at all. He died a coward as he was pale faced and shaking moments before he was shot. Amrozi did not die a martyr but a coward.

            If Amrozi was allowed to keep his life, there could be a strong possibility that he might get only 20 years in prison like Umar Patek. No way, it was justice that Amrozi paid with his life.

            In conclusion, Please see this blog post from Philip Jensen who agrees that the death sentence was part of the justice and mercy of God. At the same time, Helen Prejean should be making fun of Satan the devil than making fun of Jesus Christ (by saying that we made him into a poodle). She was quoted in the BBC:


'We've made Jesus into a poodle'

The nun who inspired the Oscar-winning film Dead Man Walking is in the north-east of England to talk about the death penalty and Christianity.

Sister Helen Prejean has been invited over from America by the Hexham and Newcastle Catholic Diocese to talk about her inspirational life.

Sister Helen writes and visits prisoners on death row in America.

She says Christians have "domesticated" Jesus and forgotten that he was often in the company of sinners.

Sister Helen said: "Often we made him [Jesus] like a French poodle, with a rhinestone necklace and painted his toenails because it's all very comfortable and doesn't rock the boat.

"But Jesus was with the marginalised and the cast-offs and the people who had no voice."

Sister Helen was speaking to BBC Newcastle's Alfie Joey and also described how she sits with prisoners while they are given the lethal injection, and why she is so against the death penalty.

          I will post a quote from the 20thPresident of the United States, James Garfield who spoke out against Satan. I find it sick that Prejean can make fun of Jesus Christ by saying that we made him like a poodle. No way, Amrozi the Smiling Assassin cannot be compared to Jesus Christ, he should be compared to the devil instead. 



THE D.C. SNIPER: JOHN ALLEN MUHAMMAD (EXECUTED ON NOVEMBER 10, 2009)

$
0
0


The D.C. Sniper, John Allen Muhammad was executed by lethal injection at Greensville Correctional Center in Jarratt, Virginia on 10 November 2009. He went on a spree killing and had killed more than 10 people.





Mug shot of John Allen Muhammad

Born
December 31, 1960
Baton Rouge, Louisiana, U.S.
Died
November 10, 2009 (aged 48)
Jarratt, Virginia, U.S.
Cause of death
Execution by lethal injection
Other names
The Beltway Sniper
The D.C. Sniper
Religion
Nation of Islam
Criminal penalty
Death


Killings
Number of victims
10 killed, 3 injured (D.C. metropolitan area); 17 victims elsewhere
Span of killings
February 16, 2002–October 23, 2002
Country
United States of America
State(s)
Alabama, Arizona, California, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Maryland, Texas, Virginia, Washington State, and Washington, D.C.
Date apprehended
October 24, 2002

John Allen Muhammad (December 31, 1960 - November 10, 2009) was a convicted murderer from the United States. He, along with his seventeen-year-old partner, Lee Boyd Malvo, carried out the 2002 Beltway sniper attacks, killing at least 10 people. Muhammad and Malvo were arrested in connection with the attacks on October 24, 2002, following tips from alert citizens. Although the pairing's actions were classified as psychopathy attributable to serial killer characteristics by the media, whether or not their psychopathy meets this classification or that of a spree killer is debated by researchers.

Born as John Allen Williams, Muhammad joined the Nation of Islam in 1987 and later changed his surname to Muhammad. At Muhammad's trial, the prosecutor claimed that the rampage was part of a plot to kill his ex-wife and regain custody of his children, but the judge ruled that there was insufficient evidence to support this argument. His trial for one of the murders (the murder of Dean Harold Meyers in Prince William County, Virginia) began in October 2003, and the following month he was found guilty of capital murder. Four months later he was sentenced to death. While awaiting execution in Virginia, in August 2005, he was extradited to Maryland to face some of the charges there, for which he was convicted of six counts of first-degree murder on May 30, 2006.

Upon completion of the trial activity in Maryland, he was returned to Virginia's death row pending an agreement with another state or the District of Columbia seeking to try him. He was not tried on additional charges in other Virginia jurisdictions, and faced potential trials in three other states and the District of Columbia involving other deaths and serious woundings. All appeals of his conviction for killing Dean Harold Meyers had been made and rejected. Appeals for Muhammad's other trials remained pending at the time of his execution.

Muhammad was executed by lethal injection on November 10, 2009, at 9:06 pm EST at Greensville Correctional Center in Jarratt, Virginia, and was pronounced dead at 9:11 pm EST. Muhammad declined to make a final statement.

John Allen Muhammad
Early life and military service

Born John Allen Williams in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, to Ernest and Eva Williams, he and his family moved to New Orleans when his mother was diagnosed with breast cancer; she died when he was five. After his mother's death, his father left and he was raised mostly by his grandfather and an aunt. Muhammad enlisted in the Louisiana Army National Guard in 1979 and, after seven years of service, volunteered for active duty in 1986. In 1987 he joined the Nation of Islam.

While in the U.S. Army, Muhammad was trained as a mechanic, truck driver, and specialist metalworker. He qualified with the Army's standard infantry rifle, the M16, earning the Expert Rifleman's Badge. This rating is the Army's highest of three levels of marksmanship for a basic soldier. He was discharged from military service following the Gulf War, as a sergeant, in 1994 after service in the Persian Gulf.

As a member of the Nation of Islam, Muhammad helped provide security for the "Million Man March" in 1995, but Nation of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan has publicly distanced himself and his organization from Muhammad's crimes. Muhammad kidnapped his children and brought them to Antigua around 1999, apparently engaging in credit card and immigration document fraud. It was during this time that he became close with Lee Boyd Malvo, who later acted as his partner in the killings. Williams changed his name to John Allen Muhammad in October 2001.

After his arrest, authorities also claimed that Muhammad admitted that he admired and modeled himself after Osama bin Laden and al-Qaeda, and approved of the September 11 attacks. One of Malvo's psychiatric witnesses testified in his trial that Muhammad had indoctrinated him into believing that the proceeds of the extortion attempt would be used to begin a new nation of only young, "pure" black people somewhere in Canada.

Muhammad was twice divorced; his second wife, Mildred Muhammad, sought and was granted a restraining order. Muhammad was arrested on federal charges of violating the restraining order against him by possessing a weapon. Under federal law, those with restraining orders are prohibited to purchase or possess guns as per the Lautenberg Amendment to the Gun Control Act of 1968. Defense attorneys in the Malvo trial and the prosecution in Muhammad's trial argued that the ultimate goal of the killings was to kill Mildred so he would regain custody of his three children.

Beltway sniper attacks


Police followed a lead in which an anonymous caller told a priest to tell the police to check out a liquor store robbery-murder that had occurred in Montgomery, Alabama. Investigators responding to that crime scene found one of the suspects had dropped a magazine with his fingerprints on it; these were subsequently identified as belonging to a 17-year-old Jamaican immigrant, Lee Boyd Malvo, whose prints were on file with the INS. Malvo was known to associate with Muhammad. They had lived together in Tacoma, Washington for around one year, where Malvo used the alias John Lee Malvo.

Muhammad's identification led to the discovery that he had purchased a former police car, a blue Chevrolet Caprice, in New Jersey on September 11, 2002. A lookout broadcast to the public on that vehicle resulted in their arrest when it was spotted parked in an Interstate 70 rest stop in Myersville, Maryland, just outside of Frederick, Maryland.

Victims

Listed in chronological order, below are the identified victims who were murdered or wounded prior to the Beltway sniper attacks:


NameAgeStatusDate of AttackLocation
Keenya Cook21KilledFebruary 16, 2002Tacoma, Washington
Jerry Ray Taylor60KilledMarch 19, 2002Tucson, Arizona
Billy Gene Dillon37KilledMay 27, 2002Denton, Texas
John Gaeta52SurvivedAugust 1, 2002Hammond, Louisiana
Paul LaRuffa55SurvivedSeptember 5, 2002Clinton, Maryland
Rupinder Oberoi22SurvivedSeptember 14, 2002Silver Spring, Maryland
Muhammad Rashid32SurvivedSeptember 15, 2002Brandywine, Maryland
Million Woldemariam41KilledSeptember 21, 2002Atlanta, Georgia
Claudine Parker52KilledSeptember 21, 2002Montgomery, Alabama
Kellie Adams24SurvivedSeptember 21, 2002Montgomery, Alabama
Hong Im Ballenger45KilledSeptember 23, 2002Baton Rouge, Louisiana
Wright Williams, Jr.55SurvivedSeptember 26, 2002Baton Rouge, Louisiana


NOTE: This list does not include two victims who were not publicly identified. One man was shot and killed in a robbery in Los Angeles, California in either February or March 2002 and the other man, aged 76 and from Tucson, Arizona, was shot, but survived, on a Clearwater, Florida golf course on May 18, 2002.

Listed in chronological order, these are the names of the victims who were murdered or wounded in the Beltway sniper attacks.


Criminal case

Muhammad was captured in Maryland, where most of the attacks and murders took place. Although Maryland sought to bring him to trial, United States attorney general John Ashcroft reassigned the case from the Maryland prosecutor Doug Gansler, a Democrat, to a Republican prosecutor in Virginia, Jerry W. Kilgore. Kilgore was planning to run for governor. Virginia was viewed as the more likely jurisdiction to provide a death sentence, which was borne out by the Virginia and Maryland verdicts, and Virginia also allowed the death penalty for juveniles.

In October 2003, Muhammad went on trial for the murder of Dean Meyers at a Prince William County service station near the city of Manassas. The trial had been moved from Prince William County, to Virginia Beach, approximately 200 miles away. Muhammad was granted the right to represent himself in his defense, and dismissed his legal counsel, though he immediately switched back to having legal representation after his opening argument.

Muhammad was charged with murder, terrorism, conspiracy and the illegal use of a firearm, and faced a possible death sentence. Prosecutors said the shootings were part of a plot to extort $10 million from local and state governments. The prosecution said that they would make the case for 16 shootings allegedly involving Muhammad. The terrorism charge against Muhammad required prosecutors to prove he committed at least two shootings in a three-year period.

The prosecution called more than 130 witnesses and introduced more than 400 pieces of evidence intended to prove that Muhammad undertook the murders and ordered Malvo to help carry it out. Evidence included a rifle, found in Muhammad's car, that was linked by ballistics tests not only to 8 of the 10 killings in the Washington area but also to two others, in Louisiana and Alabama; the car itself, which was modified so that a sniper could shoot from inside the trunk; and a laptop computer, also found in the car, that contained maps with icons pinpointing shooting scenes.

There were also witness accounts that put Muhammad across the street from one shooting and his car near the scene of several others. There was also a recorded phone call to a police hotline in which a man, his voice identified by a detective as Muhammad's, demanded money in exchange for stopping the shootings.

Muhammad's defense asked the court to drop the capital murder charges due to the fact that there was no direct evidence. Malvo's fingerprints were on the Bushmaster rifle found in Muhammad's car, and genetic material from Muhammad himself was also discovered on the rifle, but the defense contended that Muhammad could not be put to death under Virginia's "trigger-man law" unless he actually pulled the trigger to kill Meyers, and no one testified that they saw him do so.

On November 17, 2003, by verdict of his jury, Muhammad was convicted in Virginia of all four counts in the indictment against him: capital murder for the shooting of Dean H. Meyers; a second charge of capital murder under Virginia's antiterrorism statute, for homicide committed with an intent to terrorize the government or the public at large; conspiracy to commit murder; and the illegal use of a firearm. In the penalty phase of the trial, the jury, after five hours of deliberation over two days, unanimously recommended that Muhammad should be sentenced to death. On March 9, 2004, a Virginia judge agreed with the jury's recommendation and sentenced John Allen Muhammad to death.

On April 22, 2005, the Virginia Supreme Court affirmed his death penalty, stating that Muhammad could be sentenced to death because the murder was part of an act of terrorism. The court also rejected an argument by defense lawyers that he could not be sentenced to death because he was not the triggerman in the killings. Virginia Supreme Court Justice Donald W. Lemons said at the time, "With calculation, extensive planning, premeditation and ruthless disregard for life, Muhammad carried out his cruel scheme of terror."

In May 2005, Maryland and Virginia reached an agreement to allow his extradition to face Maryland charges, but Muhammad was fighting the action legally. He was held at the maximum security Sussex I State Prison near Waverly in Sussex County, Virginia, which houses Virginia's death row inmates. While awaiting execution in Virginia, in August 2005, he was extradited to Montgomery County, Maryland to face charges there.

On May 30, 2006, a Maryland jury found John Allen Muhammad guilty of six counts of murder in Maryland. In return, he was sentenced to six consecutive life terms without possibility of parole on June 1, 2006. Neither Alabama, Arizona, Louisiana, or Washington State moved to try Muhammad, given his death sentence for murder in Virginia. In 2006, Malvo confessed that the pair also killed victims in California, Arizona, and Texas, making 17 victims.

On May 6, 2008, it was revealed that Muhammad asked prosecutors in a letter to help him end legal appeals of his conviction and death sentence "so that you can murder this innocent black man." An appeal filed by Muhammad's defense lawyers in April 2008 cited evidence of brain damage that would render Muhammad incompetent to make legal decisions, and that he should not have been allowed to represent himself at his Virginia trial.

On September 16, 2009, Muhammad's execution date was set for November 10, 2009. On November 9, 2009, Muhammad's petition for review of his death sentence was denied by the U.S. Supreme Court. Justice Stevens, joined by Justice Ginsburg and Justice Sotomayor wrote a separate opinion stating that Virginia's rush to set an execution date "highlights once again the perversity of executing inmates before their appeals process has been fully concluded", while noting that they concurred with the decision that the appeal ought not be heard.

Civil case

In 2003, Malvo and Muhammad were named in a major civil lawsuit by the Legal Action Project of the Brady Center to Prevent Gun Violence on behalf of two of their victims who were seriously wounded and the families of some of those murdered. Although Malvo and Muhammad were each believed to be indigent, codefendants Bull's Eye Shooter Supply and Bushmaster Firearms, Inc. contributed to a landmark $2.5 million out-of-court settlement in late 2004.

Testimony of Lee Boyd Malvo

In John Allen Muhammad's May 2006 trial in Montgomery County, Maryland, Lee Boyd Malvo, who is serving a sentence of life without parole for his role in the shootings, took the stand and confessed to a more detailed version of the pair's plans. Malvo, after extensive psychological counseling, admitted that he was lying at the earlier Virginia trial where he had admitted to being the triggerman for every shooting. Malvo claimed that he had said this in order to protect John Allen Muhammad from the potential death penalty, because it was more difficult to achieve the death penalty for a minor. Malvo said that he wanted to do what little he could for the families of the victims by letting the full story be told. In his two days of testimony, Malvo outlined many very detailed aspects of all the shootings.

Part of his testimony concerned Muhammad's complete multiphase plan. His plan consisted of three phases in the Washington, D.C. and Baltimore metro areas. Phase One consisted of meticulously planning, mapping, and practicing their locations around the DC area. This way after each shooting they would be able to quickly leave the area on a predetermined path, and move on to the next location. John Allen Muhammad's goal in Phase One was to kill 6 white people a day for 30 days (180 per month). Malvo went on to describe how Phase One did not go as planned due to heavy traffic and the lack of a clear shot and/or getaway at different locations.

Phase Two was meant to be moved up to Baltimore. Malvo described how this phase was close to being implemented, but never was carried out. Phase Two would begin with the killing of a pregnant woman with a shot to the abdomen. The next step would have been to shoot and kill a Baltimore City police officer. Then, at the officer's funeral, they were to detonate several improvised explosive devices complete with shrapnel. These explosives were intended to kill a large number of officers, since many of them would be at a comrade's funeral.

Phase Three was to take place very shortly after, if not during, Phase Two. The third phase was to extort several million dollars from the United States government. This money would be used to finance a larger plan to travel north into Canada, stopping along the way in YMCAs and orphanages recruiting other impressionable young boys with no parents or guidance. John Allen Muhammad thought he could act as their father figure as he did with Lee Boyd Malvo. Once he recruited a large number of young boys and made his way up to Canada, he would begin their training. Malvo described how Muhammad allegedly intended to train the youths with weapons. After their training was complete, Muhammad would send them out across the United States to carry out mass shootings in many different cities, just as he had done in Washington, D.C. and Baltimore.

Execution

On September 16, 2009, a Virginia judge set a November 10, 2009, execution date for Muhammad. On November 9, 2009, the Supreme Court of the United States refused a last-minute appeal. On November 10, hours before Muhammad's scheduled execution, pleas for clemency made by his attorneys were denied by Virginia Governor Tim Kaine.

Under Virginia law, an inmate is allowed to choose the method by which he or she will be put to death, either lethal injection or electrocution. Because Muhammad declined to select a method, by law, the method of lethal injection was selected for him. He was offered a selection of a last meal, which he accepted, but refused publication of its contents. However, J. Wyndal Gordon, Muhammad's attorney, told the Associated Press that Muhammad's last meal consisted of "chicken and red sauce, and some cakes".

The execution began at 9:00 p.m. EST at the Greensville Correctional Center in Jarratt, Virginia. According to the official statement of the prison spokesperson, the actual lethal injection process started at 9:06 pm EST. He was then pronounced dead at 9:11 p.m. EST; he declined to make a final statement. His body was cremated and given to his son in Louisiana.

In popular culture
OTHER LINKS:



MY THOUGHTS:
Unlike other States in the America, John Allen Muhammad was executed in six years after being sentenced to death on November 17, 2003 and seven years after committing his killing spree, he was not executed ‘voluntarily’ (state suicide assist). I hope other states can follow Virginia’s example, as they did it with Michael William Lenz.

The D.C. Sniper was another danger to society and he now belongs to The Legion of Doom: The 13 Dead Terrorists. Assuming if he was never caught, he might have succeeded in bombing buildings and not just shooting, in order to continue with his reign of terror. Keep in mind, he has military training like Timothy McVeigh. 

Please go to the Unit1012 Blog to hear from the victims’ families.

VETERANS DAY (NOVEMBER 11)

$
0
0















Observed by
United States
Type
National
Date
November 11
Next time
11 November 2013
Frequency
annual
Related to
Veterans Day, Memorial Day





Joseph Ambrose, an 86-year-old World War I veteran, attends the dedication day parade for the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in 1982, holding the flag that covered the casket of his son, who was killed in the Korean War.
Veterans Dayis an official United States holiday which honors people who have served in armed service also known as veterans. It is a federal holiday that is observed on November 11. It coincides with other holidays such as Armistice Day and Remembrance Day, which are celebrated in other parts of the world and also mark the anniversary of the end of World War I. (Major hostilities of World War I were formally ended at the 11th hour of the 11th day of the 11th month of 1918, when the Armistice with Germany went into effect.)

Veterans Day is not to be confused with Memorial Day; Veterans Day celebrates the service of all U.S. military veterans, while Memorial Day is a day of remembering the men and women who died while serving.

Most sources spell Veterans as a simple plural without a possessive apostrophe (Veteran's or Veterans').


Veterans Day 2012 poster
History

U.S. President Woodrow Wilson first proclaimed Armistice Day for November 11, 1919. In proclaiming the holiday, he said


"To us in America, the reflections of Armistice Day will be filled with solemn pride in the heroism of those who died in the country's service and with gratitude for the victory, both because of the thing from which it has freed us and because of the opportunity it has given America to show her sympathy with peace and justice in the councils of the nations."


The United States Congress passed a concurrent resolution seven years later on June 4, 1926, requesting that President Calvin Coolidge issue another proclamation to observe November 11 with appropriate ceremonies. A Congressional Act (52 Stat. 351; 5 U.S. Code, Sec. 87a) approved May 13, 1938, made the 11th of November in each year a legal holiday: "a day to be dedicated to the cause of world peace and to be thereafter celebrated and known as 'Armistice Day'."

In 1945, World War II veteran Raymond Weeks from Birmingham, Alabama, had the idea to expand Armistice Day to celebrate all veterans, not just those who died in World War I. Weeks led a delegation to Gen. Dwight Eisenhower, who supported the idea of National Veterans Day. Weeks led the first national celebration in 1947 in Alabama and annually until his death in 1985. President Reagan honored Weeks at the White House with the Presidential Citizenship Medal in 1982 as the driving force for the national holiday. Elizabeth Dole, who prepared the briefing for President Reagan, determined Weeks as the "Father of Veterans Day."

U.S. Representative Ed Rees from Emporia, Kansas, presented a bill establishing the holiday through Congress. President Dwight Eisenhower, also from Kansas, signed the bill into law on May 26, 1954.

Congress amended this act on June 1, 1954, replacing "Armistice" with "Veterans," and it has been known as Veterans Day since.

The National Veterans Award, created in 1954, also started in Birmingham. Congressman Rees of Kansas was honored in Alabama as the first recipient of the award for his support offering legislation to make Veterans Day a federal holiday, which marked nine years of effort by Raymond Weeks. Weeks conceived the idea in 1945, petitioned Gen. Eisenhower in 1946, and led the first Veterans Day celebration in 1947 (keeping the official name Armistice Day until Veterans Day was legal in 1954).

Although originally scheduled for celebration on November 11 of every year, starting in 1971 in accordance with the Uniform Monday Holiday Act, Veterans Day was moved to the fourth Monday of October. In 1978, it was moved back to its original celebration on November 11. While the legal holiday remains on November 11, if that date happens to be on a Saturday or Sunday, then organizations that formally observe the holiday will normally be closed on the adjacent Friday or Monday, respectively.


THE RAZOR GENERAL: HIDEKI TOJO (DECEMBER 30, 1884 TO DECEMBER 23, 1948)

$
0
0

           On this date, November 12, 1948, Japanese War Criminal, Hideki Tojo was sentenced to death for war crimes. I will post information about him from Wikipedia and other internet sources.


Hideki Tōjō (Kyūjitai: 東條英機; Shinjitai: 東条)

Prime Minister of Japan
Leader of the Taisei Yokusankai
In office
October 17, 1941 – July 22, 1944
Monarch
Shōwa
Preceded by
Fumimaro Konoe
Succeeded by
Kuniaki Koiso
Minister of War
In office
22 July 1940 – 22 July 1944
Monarch
Shōwa
Preceded by
Hata Shunroku
Succeeded by
Hajime Sugiyama
Personal details
Born
December 30, 1884
Hamachi district of Tokyo, Empire of Japan
Died
December 23, 1948 (aged 63) executed by hanging
Tokyo, occupied Japan
Political party
Imperial Rule Assistance Association (1940–1945)
Other political
affiliations
Independent (before 1940)
Spouse(s)
Katsuko Ito
Children
3 sons
4 daughters
Alma mater
Imperial Japanese Army Academy
Army War College


Military service
Allegiance
Empire of Japan
Rank
General
Commands
Kwantung Army (1932-1934)
Battles/wars
February 26 Incident
Second Sino-Japanese War
  • Operation Chahar
  • Japanese invasion of Manchuria
World War II
  • Attack on Pearl Harbor
Awards
Grand Cordon of the Order of the Rising Sun
Order of the Golden Kite, 2nd Class
Order of the Sacred Treasure


Hideki Tōjō(Kyūjitai: 東條英機; Shinjitai: 東条英機; About this sound Tōjō Hideki (help·info)) (December 30, 1884 – December 23, 1948) was a general of the Imperial Japanese Army (IJA), the leader of the Taisei Yokusankai, and the 40th Prime Minister of Japan during most of World War II, from October 17, 1941 to July 22, 1944. As Prime Minister, he was directly responsible for the attack on Pearl Harbor, which initiated war between Japan and the United States, although planning for it had begun before he entered office. After the end of the war, Tōjō was arrested, sentenced to death for Japanese war crimes by the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, and was hanged on December 23, 1948.


Hideki Tojo in military uniform, photo taken before end of World War II. Public Domain as pre-1946 work.
Biography

Hideki Tōjō was born in the Kōjimachi district of Tokyo on December 30, 1884 as the third son of Hidenori Tōjō, a lieutenant general in the Imperial Japanese Army. After 1941 he would change his given name from the Chinese-inspired "Eiki" to the traditionally more Japanese "Hideki" (see on'yomi). In 1899, Tōjō entered the Army Cadet School. When he graduated from the Japanese Military Academy (ranked 10th of 363 cadets) in March 1905 he was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the infantry of the IJA. In 1909, he married Katsuko Ito, with whom he would have three sons and four daughters. By 1928, he had become the bureau chief of the Japanese Army, and was shortly thereafter promoted to colonel. He began to take an interest in militarist politics during his command of the 1st Infantry Regiment.


Cabinet ministers of Cabinet of Hideki Tojo (東條内閣). They finished the first cabinet meeting and took a souvenir picture in Kantei.
As general

In 1933, Tōjō was promoted to major general and served as Chief of the Personnel Department within the Army Ministry. He was appointed commander of the IJA 24th Infantry Brigade in August 1934. In September 1935, Tōjō assumed top command of the Kempeitai of the Kwantung Army in Manchuria. Politically, he was fascist, nationalist, and militarist, and was nicknamed "Razor" (カミソリKamisori?), for his reputation for a sharp, legalistic mind capable of making quick decisions.

During the February 26 coup attempt of 1936, Tōjō and Shigeru Honjō, a noted supporter of Sadao Araki, both opposed the rebels. Emperor Hirohito himself was outraged at the attacks on his close advisers, and after a brief political crisis and stalling on the part of a sympathetic military, the rebels were forced to surrender. In the aftermath, the Tōseiha faction was able to purge the Army of radical officers, and the coup leaders were tried and executed. Following the purge, Tōseiha and Kōdōha elements were unified in their nationalist but highly anti-political stance under the banner of the Kōdōha military clique, with Tōjō in the leadership position. Tōjō was promoted to Chief of Staff of the Kwangtung Army in 1937. As Chief of Staff, Tōjō was responsible for the military operations designed to increase Japanese penetration into the Inner Mongolia border regions with Manchukuo. In July 1937, he personally led the units of the 1st Independent Mixed Brigade in Operation Chahar, his only real combat experience.

After the Marco Polo Bridge Incident marking the start of the Second Sino-Japanese War, Tōjō ordered his forces to attack Hopei and other targets in northern China. Tōjō received Jewish refugees in accordance with Japanese national policy and rejected the resulting Nazi German protests. Tōjō was recalled to Japan in May 1938 to serve as Vice-Minister of War under Army Minister Seishirō Itagaki. From December 1938 to 1940, Tōjō was Inspector-General of Army Aviation.


Hideki Tōjō (Kyūjitai: 東條英機; Shinjitai: 東条)
 

Japanese Prime Minister Hideki Tojo landed in Nichols Field, an airfield south of Manila, for state visit to the Philippines. (1943)
Rise to Prime Minister

On July 22, 1940, Tōjō was appointed Army Minister in the second Fumimaro Konoe regime, and remained in that post in the third Konoe cabinet. He was a strong supporter of the Tripartite Pact between Japan, Nazi Germany, and Fascist Italy. As the Army Minister, he continued to vastly expand the grueling war with China.

After negotiations with Vichy France, Japan was given permission to place its troops in French Indochina in July 1941. In spite of its formal recognition of the Vichy government, the United States retaliated against Japan by imposing economic sanctions in August, including a total embargo on oil and gasoline exports.

On September 6, a deadline of early October was fixed in the Imperial Conference for resolving the situation diplomatically. On October 14, the deadline had passed with no progress. Prime Minister Konoe then held his last cabinet meeting, where Tōjō did most of the talking:

For the past six months, ever since April, the foreign minister has made painstaking efforts to adjust relations. Although I respect him for that, we remain deadlocked... The heart of the matter is the imposition on us of withdrawal from Indochina and China... If we yield to America's demands, it will destroy the fruits of the China incident. Manchukuo will be endangered and our control of Korea undermined.

The prevailing opinion within the Japanese Army at that time was that continued negotiations could be dangerous. However, Hirohito thought that he might be able to control extreme opinions in the army by using the charismatic and well-connected Tōjō, who had expressed reservations regarding war with the West, although the Emperor himself was skeptical that Tōjō would be able to avoid conflict. On October 13, he declared to Kōichi Kido: "There seems little hope in the present situation for the Japan-U.S. negotiations. This time, if hostilities erupt, I might have to issue a declaration of war."

On October 16, Konoe, politically isolated and convinced that the Emperor no longer trusted him, resigned. Later, he justified himself to his chief cabinet secretary, Kenji Tomita:

Of course His Majesty is a pacifist, and there is no doubt he wished to avoid war. When I told him that to initiate war is a mistake, he agreed. But the next day, he would tell me: "You were worried about it yesterday, but you do not have to worry so much." Thus, gradually, he began to lead toward war. And the next time I met him, he leaned even more toward war. In short, I felt the Emperor was telling me: "My prime minister does not understand military matters, I know much more." In short, the Emperor had absorbed the views of the army and navy high commands.

At the time, Prince Naruhiko Higashikuni was said to be the only person who could control the Army and the Navy and was recommended by Konoe and Tōjō as Konoe's replacement. Hirohito rejected this option, arguing that a member of the imperial family should not have to eventually carry the responsibility for a war against the West. Following the advice of Kōichi Kido, he chose instead Tōjō, who was known for his devotion to the imperial institution. The Emperor summoned Tōjō to the Imperial Palace one day before Tōjō took office.

Tōjō wrote in his diary: "I thought I was summoned because the Emperor was angry at my opinion." He was given one order from the Emperor: To make a policy review of what had been sanctioned by the Imperial Conferences. Tōjō, who was on the side of the war, nevertheless accepted this order, and pledged to obey. According to Colonel Akiho Ishii, a member of the Army General Staff, the Prime Minister showed a true sense of loyalty to the emperor performing this duty. For example, when Ishii received from Hirohito a communication saying the Army should drop the idea of stationing troops in China to counter military operations of Western powers, he wrote a reply for the Prime Minister for his audience with the Emperor. Tōjō then replied to Ishii: "If the Emperor said it should be so, then that's it for me. One cannot recite arguments to the Emperor. You may keep your finely phrased memorandum."

On November 2, Tōjō and Chiefs of Staff Hajime Sugiyama and Osami Nagano reported to Hirohito that the review had been in vain. The Emperor then gave his consent to war.

The next day, Fleet Admiral Osami Nagano explained in detail the Pearl Harbor attack to Hirohito. The eventual plan drawn up by Army and Navy Chiefs of Staff envisaged such a mauling of the Western powers that Japanese defense perimeter lines—operating on interior lines of communications and inflicting heavy Western casualties—could not be breached. In addition, the Japanese fleet which attacked Pearl Harbor was under orders from Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto to be prepared to return to Japan on a moment's notice, should negotiations succeed.

Two days later on November 5, Hirohito approved the operations plan for a war against the West and continued to hold meetings with the military and Tōjō until the end of the month. On December 1, another conference finally sanctioned the "war against the United States, England, and Holland".


Hideki Tōjō (Kyūjitai: 東條英機; Shinjitai: 東条)
As Prime Minister

Tōjō continued to hold the position of Army Minister during his term as Prime Minister, from October 17, 1941 to July 22, 1944. He also served concurrently as Home Minister from 1941–1942, Foreign Minister in September 1942, Education Minister in 1943, and Minister of Commerce and Industry in 1943.

As Education Minister, he continued militaristic and nationalist indoctrination in the national education system, and reaffirmed totalitarian policies in government. As Home Minister, he ordered various eugenics measures (including the sterilization of the "mentally unfit").

His popularity was sky-high in the early years of the war, as Japanese forces went from one great victory to another. However, after the Battle of Midway, with the tide of war turning against Japan, Tōjō faced increasing opposition from within the government and military. To strengthen his position, in February 1944, Tōjō assumed the post of Chief of the Imperial Japanese Army General Staff. However, after the fall of Saipan, he was forced to resign on 18 July 1944.


Shashin Shuho No 249 (December 2, 1942), First Anniversary of the Great East Asia War. This is the noble figure of prime minister Hideki Tojo. 日本語:『寫眞週報』第二百四十九號 (昭和十七年十二月二日), 大東亞戰爭一周年. 東條内閣總理大臣の英姿である.
 

Immediately after his suicide attempt Hideki Tojo, receiving life-saving treatment. (8 September 1945)
Capture, trial, and execution

After Japan's unconditional surrender in 1945, U.S. general Douglas MacArthur issued orders for the arrest of the first forty alleged war criminals, including Tōjō. Soon, Tōjō's home in Setagaya was besieged with newsmen and photographers. Three American GI's (Corporal Paul Korol, Private First Class John Potkul, and Private First Class James Safford) and two Office of Strategic Services (O.S.S.) Officers (one of whom was John J. Wilpers, Jr., who received the Bronze Star for his efforts at age 90 in 2010 and died in 2013) were sent to serve the arrest warrant on Tojo.

Two American war correspondents (Hugh Bailey and Russell Braun) had previously interviewed Tojo and were also present when the attempt was made to serve the arrest warrant. It was not until approximately two hours after his suicide attempt that military police and a physician attended to Tojo. Thereafter, when the subsequent arrest was to occur for Admiral Shimada, military police, a physician, and an ambulance were included in that arrest process as they learned from Tojo's suicide attempt. Inside, a doctor named Suzuki had marked Tōjō's chest with charcoal to indicate the location of his heart. When American military police surrounded the house on 8 September 1945, they heard a muffled shot from inside. Major Paul Kraus and a group of military police burst in, followed by George Jones, a reporter for The New York Times. Tōjō had shot himself in the chest with a pistol, but despite shooting directly through the mark, the bullets missed his heart and penetrated his stomach. Now disarmed and with blood gushing out of his chest, Tōjō began to talk, and two Japanese reporters recorded his murmured words: "I am very sorry it is taking me so long to die. The Greater East Asia War was justified and righteous. I am very sorry for the nation and all the races of the Greater Asiatic powers. I wait for the righteous judgment of history. I wished to commit suicide but sometimes that fails."

Tōjō was arrested and underwent emergency surgery in a U.S. Army hospital. After recovering from his injuries, Tōjō was moved to Sugamo Prison. While there he received a new set of dentures made by an American dentist. Secretly the phrase "Remember Pearl Harbor" had been drilled into the teeth in Morse code. 


The defendants at the International Military Tribunal for the Far East Ichigaya Court: Accused Japanese war criminals in the prisoners' box. Front row of defendants from left to right: General Kenji Doihara; Field Marshal Shunroku Hata; Koki Hirota, former prime minister of Japan; General Jiro Minami; General Hideki Tojo, former prime minister of Japan; Takasumi Oka; General Yoshijiro Umezu; General Sadao Araki; General Akira Muto; Naoki Hoshino; Okinori Kaga; Marquis Koichi Kido. Back row: Colonel Kingiro Hashimoto; General Kuniaki Koiso; Admiral Osami Nagano; General Hiroshi Oshima; General Iwane Matsui; Shumei Okawa; Baron Kiichiro Hiranuma; Shigenori Togo; Yosuke Matsuoka; Mamoru Shigemitsu; General Kenryo Sato; Admiral Shigetaro Shimada; Toshio Shiratori; Teiichi Suzuki.
 

Hideki Tojo, former Japanese General Premier and War Minister, takes the stand for the first time during the International Tribunal trials, Tokyo, Japan. He is testifying in his own behalf during the defense phase of the trials. Tojo is surrounded by the Tribunal's staff.

Tōjō was tried by the International Military Tribunal for the Far East for war crimes and found guilty of the following:
  • Count 1 (waging wars of aggression, and war or wars in violation of international law)
  • Count 27 (waging unprovoked war against the Republic of China)
  • Count 29 (waging aggressive war against the United States of America)
  • Count 31 (waging aggressive war against the British Commonwealth of Nations)
  • Count 32 (waging aggressive war against the Kingdom of the Netherlands)
  • Count 33 (waging aggressive war against the French Republic)
  • Count 54 (ordering, authorizing, and permitting inhumane treatment of Prisoners of War (POWs) and others)
Hideki Tōjō accepted full responsibility in the end for his actions during the war, and made this speech:

It is natural that I should bear entire responsibility for the war in general, and, needless to say, I am prepared to do so. Consequently, now that the war has been lost, it is presumably necessary that I be judged so that the circumstances of the time can be clarified and the future peace of the world be assured. Therefore, with respect to my trial, it is my intention to speak frankly, according to my recollection, even though when the vanquished stands before the victor, who has over him the power of life and death, he may be apt to toady and flatter. I mean to pay considerable attention to this in my actions, and say to the end that what is true is true and what is false is false. To shade one's words in flattery to the point of untruthfulness would falsify the trial and do incalculable harm to the nation, and great care must be taken to avoid this.

Tōjō was sentenced to death on November 12, 1948 and executed by hanging 41 days later on December 23, 1948. Before his execution he gave his military ribbons to Private First Class Kincaid, one of his guards; they are now on display in the National Museum for Naval Aviation in Pensacola, FL. In his final statements, he apologized for the atrocities committed by the Japanese military and urged the American military to show compassion toward the Japanese people, who had suffered devastating air attacks and the two atomic bombings.

Many historians criticize the work done by General Douglas MacArthur and his staff to exonerate Emperor Hirohito and all members of the imperial family from criminal prosecutions. According to them, MacArthur and Brigadier General Bonner Fellers worked to protect the Emperor and shift ultimate responsibility to Tōjō.

According to the written report of Shūichi Mizota, interpreter for Admiral Mitsumasa Yonai, Fellers met the two men at his office on 6 March 1946 and told Yonai: "It would be most convenient if the Japanese side could prove to us that the Emperor is completely blameless. I think the forthcoming trials offer the best opportunity to do that. Tōjō, in particular, should be made to bear all responsibility at this trial."

The sustained intensity of this campaign to protect the Emperor was revealed when, in testifying before the tribunal on December 31, 1947, Tōjō momentarily strayed from the agreed-upon line concerning imperial innocence and referred to the Emperor's ultimate authority. The American-led prosecution immediately arranged that he be secretly coached to recant this testimony. Ryūkichi Tanaka, a former general who testified at the trial and had close connections with chief prosecutor Joseph B. Keenan, was used as an intermediary to persuade Tōjō to revise his testimony.


Hideki Tōjō (Kyūjitai: 東條英機; Shinjitai: 東条)
 

Hideki Tōjō (Kyūjitai: 東條英機; Shinjitai: 東条)

Legacy

Tōjō's commemorating tomb is located in a shrine in Hazu, Aichi (now Nishio, Aichi), and he is one of those enshrined at the controversial Yasukuni Shrine. His ashes are divided between Yasukuni Shrine and Zōshigaya Cemetery in Toshima ward, Tokyo.

He was survived by a number of his descendants, including his granddaughter, Yūko Tōjō, a right-wing nationalist and political hopeful who claimed Japan's war was one of self-defense and that it was unfair that her grandfather was judged a Class-A war criminal. Tōjō's second son, Teruo Tōjō, who designed fighter and passenger aircraft during and after the war, eventually served as an executive at Mitsubishi Heavy Industries.

U.S. wartime propagandacaricatured Tojo as the face of the enemy.


Depictions in fiction

In Japanese culture, depictions of Hideki Tojo have varied in tone and style throughout the years.

In Tora! Tora! Tora!, directed by Toshio Masuda, he is portrayed by Asao Uchida at various events leading up to the Pearl Harbor attack.

In 1970's The Militarists, directed by Hiromichi Horikawa, Hideki Tojo is portrayed by Keiju Kobayashi as a tyrant, and in an alternate history angle, stays Prime Minister until the end of the war.

In 1981's The Imperial Japanese Empire, Hideki Tojo is portrayed by Tetsuro Tamba as a family man who single-handedly planned the war against America, and the film deals with his war crimes trial.

In 2012's Emperor, Hideki Tojo is portrayed by Shôhei Hino.

Honours
From the corresponding article in the Japanese Wikipedia
  • Grand Cordon of the Order of the Sacred Treasure (July 7, 1937)
  • Grand Cordon of the Order of the Rising Sun (April 29, 1940)
  • Order of the Golden Kite, 2nd Class (April 29, 1940)


World War II Axis Dictators. Left to Right: Hideki Tojo, Prime Minister & Minister of War, Japan;
Benito Mussolini, Prime Minister, Italy; Adolf Hitler, Chancellor, Germany. Courtesy Wikipedia, public domain. (PHOTO SOURCE: http://www.nebraskastudies.org/0800/stories/0801_0600.html)
OTHER LINKS:

VIDEOS ON HIDEKI TOJO:



HAIL THE SEAL TEAM SIX!

$
0
0



If we can send The Seal Team Six to kill Osama Bin Laden and other terrorists. Why can we not use them as the firing squad to kill all guilty murderers in America?

          I chose this blog post as on this date, November 13, 1982, the Vietnam Veterans Memorial is dedicated in Washington, D.C. after a march to its site by thousands of Vietnam Warveterans. I chose to honor the Seal Team Six, I got the information from Wikipedia.



Active
November 1980 – present
Country
United States of America
Branch
Type
Role
Part of
Garrison/HQ
Dam Neck Annex
NAS Oceana, Virginia, U.S.
Nickname
DEVGRU, SEAL Team Six
Engagements
The United States Naval Special Warfare Development Group (NSWDG), or DEVGRU, is a U.S. Navy component of Joint Special Operations Command. It is often referred to as SEAL Team Six, the name of its predecessor which was officially disbanded in 1987. DEVGRU is administratively supported by Naval Special Warfare Command and operationally commanded by the Joint Special Operations Command. Most information concerning DEVGRU is classified and details of its activities are not usually commented on by either the White House or the Department of Defense. In 2010 it was reported DEVGRU's designation was changed by the Defense Department. Despite the official name changes, "SEAL Team Six" remains the unit's widely recognized moniker. It is sometimes referred to in the U.S. media as a Special Mission Unit.

DEVGRU and its Army counterpart, Delta Force, are the United States military's primary counter-terrorism units. Although DEVGRU was created as a maritime counter-terrorism unit, it has become a multi-functional special operations unit with several roles that include high-risk personnel/hostage extractions and other specialized missions.

The Central Intelligence Agency's highly secretive Special Activities Division (SAD) and more specifically its elite Special Operations Group (SOG) often works with—and recruits—operators from DEVGRU. The combination of these units led to the most significant special operations success in the Global War On Terror.

(SOURCE: http://www.thankyouteamsix.com/)
1 History

The origins of DEVGRU are in SEAL Team Six, a unit created in the aftermath of Operation Eagle Claw. During the Iran hostage crisis in 1979, Richard Marcinko was one of two U.S. Navy representatives for a Joint Chiefs of Staff task force known as the TAT (Terrorist Action Team). The purpose of the TAT was to develop a plan to free the American hostages held in Iran. In the wake of the disaster at the Desert One base in Iran, the Navy saw the need for a full-time counter-terrorist unit, and tasked Marcinko with its design and development.

Marcinko was the first commanding officer of this new unit, which was first called MOB 6 (Mobility 6) and Sixth Platoon. Eventually the unit was dubbed SEAL Team Six. At the time there were only two SEAL teams. Marcinko named the unit SEAL Team Six in order to confuse Soviet intelligence as to the number of actual SEAL teams in existence. The unit's plankowners were hand-picked by Marcinko from throughout the UDT/SEAL community. SEAL Team Six became the U.S. Navy's premier counter-terrorist unit. It has been compared to the U.S. Army's Delta Force. Marcinko held the command of SEAL Team Six for three years, from 1980 to 1983, instead of the typical two-year command in the Navy at the time. SEAL Team Six was formally created in October 1980, and an intense, progressive work-up training program made the unit mission-ready just six months later. SEAL Team Six started with 75 shooters. According to Dick Marcinko, the annual training allowance for the command was larger than that of the entire U.S. Marine Corps. The unit has virtually unlimited resources at its disposal.

In 1987 SEAL Team Six was dissolved. A new unit named the "Naval Special Warfare Development Group" was formed, essentially as SEAL Team Six's successor. Reasons for the disbanding are varied, but the name SEAL Team Six is often used in reference to DEVGRU.



2 Recruitment, selection and training

In the early stages of creating SEAL Team Six, Marcinko was given only six months to get ST6 up and running or the whole project would come to an end. This meant that there was a timing issue and Marcinko had little time to create a proper selection course, similar to that of Delta Force, and as a result hand-picked the first plankowners of the unit after assessing their Navy records and interviewing each man. It has been said that Marcinko regretted not having enough time to set up a proper selection process and course. All applicants came from the Underwater Demolition Teams (UDTs) and East and West Coast SEAL teams. Marcinko's criteria for recruiting applicants was combat experience so he would know they could perform under fire; language skills were vital, as the unit would have a worldwide mandate to communicate with the local population if needed; union skills, to be able to blend in as civilians during an operation; and finally SEAL skills. Members of SEAL Team Six were selected in part because of the different specialist skills of each man.

The training schedule is without comparison in its intensity. A former Team member claims that in one year SEAL Team Six fired more rounds of ammunition than the entire U.S. Marine Corps ammunition allowance. The emphasis was on shooting skills, range firing, close-quarters battle (CQB), and stress shooting in a variety of conditions.

Information about the unit is mostly highly classified, so little is available about recruitment and selection. What is known is that the selection and training for the unit has not changed dramatically since its creation. All applicants come from the "regular" SEAL teams, unless applying for support positions (there have been open advertisements on the web for support personnel).

It can be inferred from the quality of their pool of applicants that those considered are in peak physical condition, maintain an excellent reputation as operators within the Naval Special Warfare community, and have done multiple operational deployments with a SEAL Team. As a result, the candidate will usually be in his 30s. As ST6 was recruiting the best and brightest SEALs/UDTs from the regular teams, this created animosity between the unit and the "regular" teams, who considered that their best SEALs were being poached for the unit.

Candidates are interviewed by a review board to deem whether the candidate is suitable to undertake the selection phase. Those who pass the stringent recruitment and selection process will be selected to attend a six- to eight-month Operators Training Course. Candidates will screen with the unit's training wing known as "Green Team." The training course attrition rate is high; during one selection course, out of the original 20 candidates, 12 completed the course. All candidates are watched closely by DEVGRU instructors and evaluated on whether they are suitable to join the individual squadrons. Howard E. Wasdin, a former member of SEAL Team Six said in a recent interview that 16 applied for SEAL Team Six selection course and only two were accepted. Those who do not pass the selection phase are returned to their previous assignments and unlikely to be able to try again in the future.

Like all Special Operations Forces units that have an extremely intensive and high-risk training schedule, there can be serious injuries and deaths. SEAL Team Six/DEVGRU has lost several operators during training, including parachute accidents and close-quarters battle training accidents. It is presumed that the unit's assessment process for potential new recruits is different from what a SEAL operator experienced in his previous career, and much of the training tests the candidate's mental capacity rather than his physical condition, as he will have already completed Basic Underwater Demolitions/SEAL or the Navy EOD training pipeline.

Candidates are put through a variety of advanced training courses led by civilian or military instructors. These can include free-climbing, advanced unarmed combat techniques, defensive and offensive driving, advanced diving, and Survival, Evasion, Resistance and Escape (SERE) training. All candidates must perform at the top level during selection, and the unit instructors evaluate the candidate during the training process. Selected candidates are assigned to one of the Tactical Development and Evaluation Squadrons; the others are returned to their previous units. Unlike the other regular SEAL Teams, SEAL Team Six operators were able to go to almost any of the best schools anywhere and train in whatever they wanted depending on the unit's requirements.


3 Structure 

DEVGRU is divided into color-coded line squadrons, which are commanded by Commanders:
  • Gold Squadron (Assault Team)
  • Blue Squadron (Assault Team)
  • Silver Squadron (Assault Team)
  • Red Squadron (Assault Team)
  • Black Squadron (Reconnaissance & Surveillance Team)
  • Gray Squadron (Boat Crews)
Each assault squadron is divided into three troops (commanded by lieutenant commanders) and troops are divided into smaller teams. Each line squadron has a specific nickname. Examples being Gold-Knights, Red-Indians, Black-Pirates.


4 Commanding officers 

Command of DEVGRU is a Captain's billet:
  • Commander Richard Marcinko – Nov 1980 to July 1983
  • Captain Robert A. Gormly – 1983 to 1986
  • Captain Thomas E. Murphy – 1986 to 1987
  • Captain Richard T.P. Woolard – 1987 to 1990
  • Captain Ronald E. Yeaw – 1990 to 1992
  • Captain Thomas G. Moser – 1992 to 1994
  • Admiral Eric T. Olson – 1994 to 1997
  • Vice Admiral Albert M. Calland III – June 1997 to June 1999
  • Vice Admiral Joseph D. Kernan – 1999 to 2002
  • Rear Admiral Edward G. Winters, III – 2002 to 2004
  • Captain Scott P. Moore – 2004 to 2008
  • Rear Admiral Brian L. Losey – 2008 to 2010

(SOURCE: http://www.sealteam6.net/)

5 Roles and responsibilities

When SEAL Team Six was first created it was devoted exclusively to counter-terrorism with a worldwide maritime responsibility; its objectives typically included targets such as ships, oil rigs, naval bases, coastal embassies, and other civilian or military bases that were accessible from the sea or inland waterways.

On certain operations small teams from SEAL Team Six were tasked with covertly infiltrating international high risk areas in order to carry out reconnaissance or security assessments of U.S. military facilities and embassies; and to give advice on improvements in order to prevent casualties in an event of a terrorist attack.

Although the unit was created as a maritime counter-terrorism unit, it has become a multi-functional special operations unit with multiple roles that include high-risk personnel/hostage extractions. Such operations include the successful rescue of Jessica Buchanan and Poul Hagen Thisted, the attempted rescue of Linda Norgrove, the successful rescue of American doctor Dilip Joseph and in 1991 the successful recovery of Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide and his family during a coup that deposed him.

After SEAL Team Six was disbanded and renamed, the official mission of the currently operating Naval Special Warfare Development Group is to test, evaluate, and develop technology and maritime, ground, and airborne tactics applicable to Naval Special Warfareforces such as Navy SEALs; however, it is presumed this is only a small part of the group's work assignment and more of a cover.

DEVGRU's full mission is classified but is thought to include pre-emptive, pro-active counter-terrorist operations, counter-proliferation (efforts to prevent the spread of both conventional weapons and weapons of mass destruction), as well as the elimination or recovery of high-value targets (HVTs) from unfriendly nations. DEVGRU is one of only a handful of U.S. Special Mission Units authorized to use pre-emptive actions against terrorists and their facilities.

DEVGRU and the Army's Delta Force train and deploy together on counter-terrorist missions usually as part of a joint special operations task force (JSOTF).


6 Operations and covert actions

The majority of the operations assigned to DEVGRU are classified and may never be known to the public. However, there are some operations in which the unit has been involved where certain details have been made public.

6.1 Operation Urgent Fury

Main article: Invasion of Grenada

On 13 March 1979 the People's Revolutionary Army, led by Maurice Bishop, overthrew the newly independent government of the small island of Grenada and established a new regime based on socialist principles. This brought it into continuing conflict with the United States, as the administration of U.S. President Reagan considered the leftist government to be too closely allied to Cuba and the Soviet Union.

On 12 October 1983 a hard-line faction of the Central Committee of the Revolutionary Government of Grenada, controlled by former Deputy Prime Minister Bernard Coard, took control of the government from Bishop and placed him under house arrest. Within days, Bishop and many of his supporters were dead, and the nation had been placed under martial law. The severity of the violence, coupled with Coard's hard-line Marxism, caused deep concern among neighboring Caribbean nations, as well as in Washington, D.C. Adding to the U.S.' concern was the presence of nearly 1,000 American medical students in Grenada. On 25 October, the United States invaded Grenada, an operation codenamed Operation Urgent Fury.

SEAL Team Six's Assault Group Three was to conduct a static line drop with boats a few miles away from the Grenadian coast. One of two C-130 cargo planes transporting the SEALs to their drop point veered far off course. A rain squall accompanied by high winds broke out just before the SEALs conducted the drop. Four out of the eight SEALs that made the drop drowned and were never seen again. After the disastrous insertion, Assault Group Three was told to stand-by and began preparing for the next mission. The next mission was to go to the governor's mansion and secure Governor-GeneralPaul Scoon, protect him and his family and move them out of the combat area. A second mission was to capture and secure Grenada's only radio station so that it couldn't be used by the local military to incite the population or coordinate military actions. There was almost no intelligence for either of these operations.

6.1.1 Governor-General's mansion

To reach the governor-general's mansion, the SEALs were flown in on Black Hawk helicopters that morning, and fast-roped to the ground while under fire. As they approached from the back of the mansion, the team found Scoon hiding. The SEALs then continued to clear the rest of the house and began to set up a perimeter to ensure security. Soon the mansion started to take fire from men armed with AK-47s and RPGs. As the incoming fire started to increase, Governor-General Scoon and his family were moved to a safer location in the house. After the incoming fire had decreased, three men wearing Cuban uniforms approached the mansion, all of them carrying AK-47s. The SEALs shouted for the three men to stop where they were. When the three men heard the yells, they raised their weapons. The SEALs opened fire on the Cubans and killed them almost instantly.

Soon afterward, two BTR-60PBs rolled up to the mansion's gates. One of the BTRs at the mansion's front gate opened fire. Just as the SEALs were about to fire a LAW anti-tank rocket, the BTR backed off and left with the other BTR. When the SEALs had been inserted into the compound, they left behind their long-range SATCOM radio on a helicopter; the only communications the team had were through MX-360 radios. The team used the radios to communicate with a SEAL command post on the island to call in air strikes. As the radios' batteries started to fade, communications with the SEAL command post became weak. Once all the radios had died, when the SEALs urgently needed air support, they used a regular house phone to call JSOC, which was able to get an AC-130 Spectre gunship to hold station over the SEALs' position to provide air support.

When morning came, a group of Force Recon Marines arrived to escort the SEALs, Governor-General Scoon, and his family to a point from where they were evacuated by helicopter.

6.1.2 Radio station

Assault Group Three and another squad from SEAL Team Six flew to the radio station on a Black Hawk helicopter. The helicopter took small-arms fire on the insertion. Once the team unloaded, it overran the radio station compound. The SEALs were told to hold the station until Governor Scoon and a broadcast team could be brought in. After the team took control of the compound, it was not able to make radio contact with the SEAL command post. The SEALs set up a perimeter while they continued to try to make radio contact. As this was happening, a BTR-60 armored personnel carrier arrived, and 20 Grenadian soldiers disguised as station workers got out. The soldiers carried weapons even in disguise. The SEALs ordered the soldiers to drop the weapons. The soldiers opened fire but were shot down almost instantly.

The SEALs continued trying to make radio contact, then another BTR and three trucks, carrying a dozen soldiers each, were spotted coming towards the station; the soldiers flanked the building and the BTR covered the front entrance with its 14.5 mm KPV heavy machine gun. The incoming fire on the SEALs' position was becoming devastatingly heavy, and they were running out of ammunition: the team knew that their only option was to change their original plan of holding the radio station, and instead destroy the radio transmitter, then head to the water following their pre-planned escape route out behind the station across a broad meadow that led to a path that cut between cliffs and a beach. The meadow was very exposed to Grenadian fire. The team leapfrogged across the exposed ground and took heavy fire, finally reaching the end of the field, cut through a chain-link fence, ran into dense brush, and followed the path to the beach. One SEAL had been wounded in the arm. The Grenadians were still in pursuit, so the SEALs waded into the water and began swimming parallel to the shore until they found cliff ledges in which to hide; once the Grenadians had given up the search they swam out to sea, where they were in the water for nearly six hours until a rescue plane spotted them and vectored a US Navy ship to pick them up.


6.2 Operation Gothic Serpent

During Operation Gothic Serpent in Somalia, DEVGRU was a part of Task Force Ranger. TF Ranger was made up of operators from Delta Force, the 75th Ranger Regiment, the 160th SOAR, the 24th Special Tactics Squadron, and SEALs from DEVGRU. Eric T. Olson, John Gay, Howard Wasdin, Homer Nearpass, and Richard Kaiser were the five SEALs that fought in the 1993 Battle of Mogadishu during the last mission of Operation Gothic Serpent to capture the warlord Mohamed Farrah Aidid.[38] Olson would receive the Silver Star for his actions which were cited as "... during combat actions in Mogadishu, Somalia, in October 1993. While under withering enemy fire during actions in support of UNOSOM II operations, Captain Olson demonstrated a complete disregard for his own personal safety in the accomplishment of his mission". Olson became commander of the Naval Special Warfare Development Group one year later.


6.3 NATO intervention in Bosnia, 1992–95

During NATO's intervention in the Bosnian War, the NSWDG operated alongside other members of NATO's Implementation Force, such as its Army counterpart Delta Force and the British SAS. These units were tasked with finding and apprehending persons indicted for war crimes (PIFWC) and returning them to The Hague to stand trial. Some of DEVGRU's PIFWC operations included apprehending Goran Jelisić, Simo Zaric, Milan Simic, Miroslav Tadic, and Radislav Krstić.


6.4 Operation Enduring Freedom

In Afghanistan during Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF), U.S. Special Operations forces played a central role in the fighting. It was also here they began to specialize in counter-terrorist tactics and information.

During the crucial Battle of Takur Ghar part of Operation Anacondaa small team of DEVGRU assigned to an Advanced Force Operations task force were tasked with establishing observation positions (OPs) on the high ground above the proposed landing zones of U.S. conventional forces. It was one of the most violent battles of Operation Anaconda. Late at night on 2 March 2002 a MH-47 Chinook helicopter piloted by the 160th SOAR was carrying a team from DEVGRU. The original plan was that DEVGRU would be inserted at a point 4,300 feet (1,300 m) east of the peak, but circumstances led the SEALs to choose the summit of Takur Ghar itself as the insertion point. As the helicopter was nearing its landing zone both the pilots and the men in the back observed fresh tracks in the snow, goatskins, and other signs of recent human activity. As the pilots and team discussed a mission abort, an RPG struck the side of the aircraft, wounding one crewman as machine gun bullets ripped through the fuselage, cutting hydraulic and oil lines. Fluid spewed about the ramp area of the helicopter. As the pilot struggled to get the helicopter away Neil C. Roberts, a DEVGRU SEAL in the ramp area of the aircraft, was hit and slipped on the oil as the helicopter took off. He fell approximately 5 to 10 feet (1.5 to 3.0 m) to the snowy ground below. Roberts immediately engaged enemy forces with his weapons including an M249 light machine gun, SIG Sauer 9mm pistol and grenades. He survived at least 30 minutes before he was shot and killed at close range.


The four Pirates in the 2013 movie, ‘Captain Philips’ - Actors Faysal Ahmed, Barkhad Abdi, Barkhad Abdirahman and Mahat Ali as the gun-toting Somali pirates in Captain Phillips. Photo: AP (PHOTO SOURCE: http://www.scmp.com/news/world/article/1330449/new-captain-phillips-movie-and-truth-hostage-rescue-navy-seals)
6.5 Maersk Alabama hijacking and rescue, 12 April 2009

MV Maersk Alabama, a 508 foot long cargo ship carrying 17,000 tons of humanitarian aid supplies, was seized by pirates 240 nautical miles off the coast of Somalia, in waters notorious for piracy. After a confrontation with the crew, three of the hi-jackers fled in the ship's lifeboat, taking Captain Richard Phillips with them as hostage and resulting in a stand-off with a group US Navy warships including, USS Bainbridge, USS Halyburtonand USS Boxer. DEVGRU operators flew non-stop from Virginia to the Horn of Africa, then parachuted into the water, before finally arriving aboard the Bainbridge. Three of the operators, one for each pirate, took up sniper positions on the fantail of the ship, with presidential authorization to use lethal force, if it was required. At one point, following a struggle between the pirates and Capt. Phillips where shots were fired, the SEALs felt the hostage's life was in imminent danger. When the first opportunity appeared and the heads of all three captors were visible at the same time, all three snipers fired simultaneously, killing all three pirates at once with head-shots. Phillips was then successfully rescued, bringing the stand-off to an end.

6.6 Death of Linda Norgrove, 8 October 2010


Linda Norgrove, a Scottish aid worker, and three Afghan colleagues were kidnapped by members of the Taliban in Kunar Province, eastern Afghanistan, on 26 September 2010. The three Afghan aid workers were released on 3 October 2010 while negotiations over Norgrove's release were ongoing. As a result of concerns that Norgrove might be killed or moved by her captors, 20 operators from NSWDG and 24 Rangers conducted a pre-dawn rescue attempt on a Taliban mountain hideout on 8 October 2010 during which she was killed.

A joint official investigation by United Kingdom and United States concluded that Norgrove had died from a grenade thrown by one of the SEAL rescuers. A coroner's narrative verdict was recorded in February 2011 that stated Norgrove had died during a failed rescue attempt.




6.7 Operation Neptune Spear


On 1–2 May 2011 DEVGRU's Red Squadron undertook the covert operation codenamed Operation Neptune Spear, under the CIA's authority, and killed Osama bin Laden, leader of the terrorist organization Al Qaeda, at his compound 34°11′15.3882″N 73°14′33.3954″E in the city of Abbottabad, 113 kilometers from Islamabad, the Federal capital of Pakistan. The attack itself lasted 38 minutes. Bin Laden's adult son, a woman, and two couriers were also killed. There were no casualties to the team. They had practiced the mission "on both American coasts" and in a segregated section of Camp Alpha at Bagram Airfield, Afghanistan in early April 2011, using a one-acre replica of bin Laden's compound. Modified MH-60 helicopters from the U.S. Army's 160th Special Operations Aviation Regiment carried DEVGRU operators and paramilitary operatives from the CIA's Special Activities Division. Other personnel supported with tactical signals, intelligence collectors, and navigators using highly classified hyperspectral imagers from Ghazi Air Base in Pakistan.

Because of its covert nature, the raid was a CIA operation with DEVGRU being transferred under CIA authority for its duration. A 1 May memo from CIA Director Leon Panetta thanked the National Security Agency and the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency, whose mapping and pattern-recognition software was likely used to determine that there was "high probability" that Bin Laden lived in the compound. Members of these agencies were paired with JSOC units in forward-deployed fusion cells to "exploit and analyze" battlefield data instantly using biometrics, facial recognition systems, voice print databases, and predictive models of insurgent behavior based on surveillance and computer-based pattern analysis. The operation was a result of years of intelligence work that included the capture of Khalid Sheikh Mohammed (KSM), the tracking of the courier to the Abbottabad compound by CIA paramilitary operatives, and the establishing of a CIA safe housethat provided critical ground intelligence. On the first anniversary of the killing of Osama bin Laden the Combatting Terrorism Center released documents seized from Osama bin Laden's Abbottabad home. The Associated Press reported that the troops had been trained to search for documents, computer files and "pocket litter""that might produce leads to other terrorists".

In popular culture, several books have tried to capture the events of the mission. The first of which was the 2011 graphic novel published by IDW Publishing, Code Word: Geronimo, written by retired Marine Corps Captain Dale Dye and Julia Dye, and illustrated by former U.S. Army combat medic Gerry Kissell. Later, the controversial book Seal Target Geronimo, by Chuck Pfarrer, a former Navy SEAL, that disputed the accounts by the DoD of how the events occurred the night of the raid on the compound. Finally, in 2012, the book No Easy Day was released. The book was written by DEVGRU Red Squadron operator Matt Bissonnette (writing under the pseudonym "Mark Owen"), who was part of Operation Neptune Spear and claimed to be one of the two operators who engaged Bin Laden. Then, in 2012, a film directed by Kathryn Bigelow and written by Mark Boal was released called Zero Dark Thirty. The film portrayed the hunt for Osama Bin Laden and the raid performed by DEVGRU. Another film, Seal Team Six: The Raid on Osama Bin Laden, depicting the events of Operation Neptune Spear, was also released in 2012 The events in the film have not been "confirmed nor denied" by White House officials.


A still from "SEAL Team Six: The Killing of Osama bin Laden” Photo: AFP PHOTO/Geronimo Nevada, LLC./National Geographic Channels/Ursula Coyote (SOURCE: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/tvandradio/9654929/SEAL-Team-Six-The-raid-on-Osama-bin-Laden-National-Geographic-Channel-US-TV-review.html)





6.8 Afghanistan helicopter crash, 6 August 2011


Fifteen members of DEVGRU's Gold Squadron were among the 38 killed on Saturday, 6 August 2011 in Maidan Wardak province, Afghanistan, when a Chinook helicopter flown by B Company, 7th Battalion, 158th Aviation Regiment, was shot down by a Taliban-fired rocket-propelled grenade; the crash wiped out an entire troop. The personnel killed in the helicopter crash are said to have belonged to an "immediate reaction force" that were en route to intercept a group of Taliban who were escaping the area following an operation by United States Army Rangers. It was the largest single loss of U.S. life since the beginning of the 2001 Afghan War, and is the largest single loss ever suffered by the SEALs.


6.9 Rescue of Jessica Buchanan and Poul Hagen Thisted


In a mission codenamed Octave Fusion, on 24 January 2012, DEVGRU operators successfully rescued American Jessica Buchanan, 32, and Dane Poul Hagen Thisted, 60, who had been detained by Somali bandits in north-central Somalia. The pair had been abducted around the area of Galkayo three months earlier while working as aid workers helping to remove land mines. Officials stated plans for a rescue operation had been under development for weeks, but acted after discovering that Buchanan's health was deteriorating due to an undisclosed illness. DEVGRU was prepared to capture the hostage takers but this proved unfeasible and nine "heavily armed" kidnappers were killed. The SEALs were parachuted in at night before advancing two miles to the enemy compound on foot. After securing the safety of Buchanan and Thisted, the team, who suffered no injuries, were extracted by helicopter.

6.10 Rescue of British-Afghan Aid Workers, 28 May 2012

On Tuesday 28 May 2012, a joint British SAS and DEVGRU operation rescued British aid worker Helen Johnston and three colleagues held captive by the Taliban in Badakhshan, Eastern Afghanistan. The hostages had been held in separate caves in a forest in a mountainous valley in Badakhshan, north-east Afghanistan. After concern for the aid worker's safety intelligence assets managed to locate the hostages and a rescue operation was initiated. The Joint Special Operations team flew to a pre-arranged rendezvous about two miles from where the hostages were being held and patrolled two miles through thick forest, moving into assault positions around the caves. The SAS team and SEALs assaulted the locations simultaneously rescuing all hostages successfully and killed a number of Taliban insurgents. There were no casualties amongst the rescue team.

6.11 Rescue of Dr. Dilip Joseph, 8 December 2012

On 8 December 2012, DEVGRU rescued Dilip Joseph, an American doctor held captive by the Taliban in Eastern Afghanistan. Dr. Joseph, who was working for an aid organization, was kidnapped along with two Afghan colleagues at a road block by armed men and were moved to a compound in Laghma Province. The two Afghans were later released after negotiations. When intelligence indicated Dr. Joseph was in imminent danger a rescue operation was mounted. During the operation at least six of his Taliban captors were killed and two Taliban captured. A DEVGRU member involved in the rescue, Navy Petty Officer 1st Class Nicolas Checque, was also killed. Checque was a highly decorated combat veteran awarded with the Bronze Star Medal with Valor and the Purple Heart, among many others.

6.12 Operation against Al-Shabaab in Barawa, 5 October 2013

On October 5, 2013, United States Navy SEAL Team Six launched a raid against a beachside house in Barawa, targeting Mukhtar Abu Zubeyr, the leader of Al-Shabaab, but was unable to complete the mission, having come under heavy fire. The mission was aborted because the goal was to capture the leader alive for intelligence purposes.


Upper frontal view of the Three Fighting Men statue, in Washington D.C.
PLEASE SEE THESE VIDEOS:











HEGEL’S DEATH PENALTY QUOTE [PRO DEATH PENALTY QUOTE OF THE WEEK ~ SUNDAY NOVEMBER 10, 2013 TO SATURDAY NOVEMBER 16, 2013]

$
0
0


 

Friedrich Hegel


“Although requital cannot simply be made specifically equal to the crime, the case is otherwise with murder, which is of necessity liable to the death penalty; the reason is that since life is the full compass of a man’s existence, the punishment here cannot simply consist in a ‘value’, for none is great enough, but can consist only in taking away a second life.” - Friedrich Hegel

10 CRIMES OF MEN ON DEATH ROW [ARTICLE ON THE DEATH PENALTY OF THE WEEK ~ SUNDAY NOVEMBER 10, 2013 TO SATURDAY NOVEMBER 16, 2013]

EMBARRASSMENT TO THE ABOLITIONISTS: THE BROOMSTICK SERIAL KILLER: KENNETH MCDUFF (MARCH 21, 1947 TO NOVEMBER 17, 1998)

$
0
0
On this date, November 17, 1998, a serial killer, Kenneth McDuff was executed by lethal injection in Texas. I will post information about him from Wikipedia and several internet sources before giving my thoughts. 

 

Kenneth McDuff

   

Born
March 21, 1946
Rosebud, Texas
Died
November 17, 1998 (aged 52)
Cause of death
Lethal injection
Other names
The Broomstick Murderer
The Broomstick Killer
Criminal penalty
Death

Conviction(s)
Attempted Burglary
Burglary
Murder

Killings
Number of victims
9-14 +
Span of killings
August 6, 1966–March 1, 1992
Country
U.S.
State(s)
Texas
Date apprehended
For the final time on May 4, 1992

Kenneth Allen McDuff (March 21, 1946 – November 17, 1998) was an American serial killer suspected of at least 14 murders. He had previously been on death row from 1968 to 1972.

Early life and background

Kenneth Allen McDuff was born at 201 Linden Street in the central Texas town of Rosebud (Falls County), one of four children born to John and Addie McDuff. His father worked as a farmer and mason.

McDuff's mother, Addie, was known around their small town as "The pistol packin' momma" due to her propensity toward violence and habit of carrying a firearm. She has been characterized as domineering by Christopher Berry-Dee, who authored a short biography of Kenneth McDuff as part of his book Talking with Serial Killers.

McDuff was known to fire at living creatures with a .22 rifle as a young boy as well as to get into fights with boys older than he was. This led to his acquiring a fearsome reputation in Rosebud, and it was not long before he became known to the local Sheriff, Larry Pamplin.



Mug shot six years after the United States Supreme Court overturned all death penalties in the case of Furman v Georgia. Only 11 years later McDuff would be paroled from a prison where he was once on Death Row. He is believed to be the only person in American History to have ever had two different death row numbers,
Earlier criminal activities

His criminal record began two years before his first murder conviction. In 1964 McDuff was convicted of 12 counts of burglary and attempted burglary in three Texas counties: Bell, Milam, and Falls. He was sentenced to 12 four-year prison terms, to be served concurrently; however, he was paroled in December 1965.

He was briefly returned to prison after becoming involved in a fight but he was shortly released.

While he was not convicted of any murders at this time, his accomplice in the 1966 triple murder, Roy Dale Green, said that McDuff bragged openly about his criminal record and claimed to have raped and killed two young women.


The most serious of McDuff's parole violations took place in his hometown of Rosebud, Texas, where he made "terroristic threats" to several African-American teenagers. McDuff was sent back to prison exactly one year after he had been set free, but only for a few weeks. His parole was reinstated by an administrator of the Board of Pardons and Paroles.
Broomstick murders

On August 6, 1966, McDuff and new friend Roy Dale Green, whom he had met around a month earlier through a mutual acquaintance by the name of Richard Boyd, spent the day pouring concrete for John McDuff, Kenneth's father.

At approximately 5 p.m., once they had completed their work, McDuff and Green decided to drive to Fort Worth in McDuff's new Dodge Coronet. They bought a six-pack of beer from a 7-11 store and visited a mutual friend, Edith Turner, at around 7 p.m. before buying a hamburger.

Their soon-to-be victims had spent the evening at a drive-in movie, and at 10 p.m. were parked on a baseball field in Everman, Texas, in Tarrant County. The trio consisted of Robert Brand (aged 18), his girlfriend Edna Louise Sullivan (aged 16) and Brand's 16-year-old cousin Mark Dunman.

Green, in a statement he gave to the police when he turned himself in on August 8, stated that he and McDuff parked around 150 yards away from their victims' car. McDuff took his Colt .38-caliber revolver with him. Once they arrived at the vehicle, he ordered the occupants into the trunk of their car.

With Green following in McDuff's car, McDuff drove the victims' Ford along a highway and then onto a field. Here he ordered Edna Sullivan out of the trunk of the Ford and instructed Green to put her into the trunk of his Dodge Coronet. At this point, according to Green's statement, McDuff said he would have to "knock 'em off"; he proceeded to fire six shots into the trunk of the Ford in spite of Dunman and Brand's pleas not to.

McDuff then instructed Green to wipe the fingerprints off the Ford. They then drove to another location where first McDuff and then Green, allegedly under duress, raped Sullivan. After he and Green had repeatedly raped Sullivan, McDuff asked Green for something to strangle her with. Green gave him his belt. However, in the end McDuff opted to use a 3-foot-long (0.91 m) piece of broomstick from his car. He choked Sullivan, then he and Green dumped her body in some bushes.

They purchased some Coca-Cola from a Hillsboro gas station before driving to Green's house to spend the night. The following day, McDuff buried his revolver beside Green's garage and their mutual acquaintance Richard Boyd allowed McDuff to wash his car at his house.

The next day Green confessed to Boyd's parents, who told Green's mother, who convinced him to hand himself in.

McDuff received three death sentences and Green received a 25-year prison sentence. However, McDuff's death sentences were commuted to a life sentence. At that time, a life sentence in Texas meant serving a minimum of 10 years in prison before being paroled.

Ultimately Green served 13 years before being paroled. While incarcerated, McDuff was twice sent to the electric chair, but both times received last minute stays of execution.


Victims of Kenneth McDuff:
TOP ROW L TO R: Marcus Dunnam, Robert Brand, Louise Sullivan & Colleen Reed
SECOND ROW L TO R: Melissa Ann Northrup, Regenia Moore, Brenda Thompson and Valencia Johnson
 

Kenneth McDuff
Post-release crimes

As a result of overcrowding in Texas prisons, McDuff was paroled on 11 October 1989 to Milam County, Texas.

Allegedly McDuff's mother bribed the parole board into releasing him, but his release was also part of a wider series of events. As a result of serious overcrowding in Texas prisons, Governor Bill Clements ordered the Texas parole board to release 750 low risk offenders every week. Even after 60,000 'low-risk' inmates had been paroled, the prison system was still overcrowded.

The Texas parole board began releasing inmates hastily. McDuff was one of 20 former death row inmates and 127 murderers to be paroled.

After being released, he got a job at a gas station making $4 an hour and took a class at Texas State Technical College in Waco.

Within three days of his release, he began killing again. He killed 31-year-old Sarafia Parker, whose body was discovered on October 14, 1989, in Temple, a town 48 miles south of Waco along the I-35 corridor. However, he was soon returned to prison on a parole violation for making death threats to a black youth in Rosebud.

Addie McDuff paid $1,500, plus an additional $700 for expenses, to two Huntsville attorneys in return for them 'evaluating' her son's prospect of release. On December 18, 1990, McDuff was again released from prison.

On October 10, 1991, McDuff picked up a prostitute and drug addict named Brenda Thompson in Waco. He tied her up, but his vehicle was stopped at Waco Police Department checkpoint. McDuff stopped approximately 50 ft in before the checkpoint. This led to one policeman walking toward McDuff's vehicle. On seeing the police officer, Thompson repeatedly kicked at the windshield of McDuff's truck, cracking it several times. McDuff accelerated very quickly and drove at the officers. According to a statement filed by the officers later, three of them had to jump to avoid being hit.

The policemen gave chase, but it was nighttime and McDuff eluded them by turning off his lights and traveling the wrong way down one-way streets. Ultimately he parked his truck in a wooded area near US 84. He inflicted a torturous death upon Thompson. Her body was not discovered until 1998.

Five days later, on October 15, 1991, McDuff and a 17-year-old prostitute named Regenia DeAnne Moore were witnessed having an argument at a Waco motel. Shortly thereafter, the pair drove in McDuff's pickup truck to a remote area beside Highway 6, near Waco. McDuff tied her arms and legs with stockings before killing her. She had been missing from home for seven years by the time her body was discovered on September 29, 1998.

McDuff is also believed to have murdered Cynthia Renee Gonzalez. Gonzalez, 23, was found dead Sept. 21, 1991, some six days after she was reported missing in Arlington, in a creek bed near CR 313 in heavily wooded terrain one mile west of I-35.

He killed again on December 29, 1991. His victim was Colleen Reed, a Louisiana native. He and an accomplice, Alva Hank Worley, drove to an Austin carwash where Reed was. McDuff kidnapped her in plain sight of eyewitnesses, and he and Worley drove her away. Worley admitted in an April 1992 interview with the Bell County Sheriff's Dept. that he had raped Reed, but stated that he did not participate in her murder.

His next victim was Valencia Joshua, a prostitute and fellow student at Texas State Technical College in Waco. Crucially she was last seen alive knocking on McDuff's door. While a student, McDuff had taken up drug dealing, selling crack cocaine, LSD, methamphetamine and marijuana to fellow students to supplement his student grant.

McDuff strangled Joshua on February 24, 1992. Her body was discovered on March 15 at a golf course near their college.

McDuff's next victim was Melissa Northrup, a 22-year-old store clerk at a Waco Quik-pak. It was Ms. Northrup's murder that McDuff was actually executed for committing. She was pregnant at the time of her death on March 1. He had also taken $250 from the cash register. During the investigation into Northrup's disappearance (her body was found by a fisherman on April 26, 1992) a college friend of McDuff's told police officers that McDuff, who was already a suspect due to having been seen in the vicinity of the Quik-pak at the time of Northrup's disappearance, had attempted to enlist his help in robbing the store.

A major problem for investigators was that McDuff's post-release victims were spread out across several Texas counties. This made a single coordinated investigation into him difficult. However, the police had learned that McDuff was peddling drugs and had an illegal firearm, both federal offenses. Consequently on March 6, 1992, a local State Attorney issued a warrant for McDuff's arrest.

In April 1992 the police made a major breakthrough. Bell County Sheriff's Department investigators had brought in Alva Hank Worley for questioning, on the basis that he was a known acquaintance of McDuff. Worley admitted to his involvement in the kidnapping of Colleen Reed. He was held in a Travis County jail while the police continued their search for McDuff.

McDuff had moved to Kansas City, where he was working at a refuse collection company and living under the assumed name of Richard Fowler. On May 1, 1992, a coworker of his named Gary Smithee watched an American television program entitled America's Most Wanted. Smithee noticed how similar McDuff, who was featured on the program, was to his new coworker. After discussing the matter with another coworker, Smithee telephoned the Kansas City Police.

The Kansas City Police searched Fowler's name and found he had been arrested, and fingerprinted, for soliciting prostitutes. Comparing the fingerprints taken from Fowler to those from McDuff showed they were the same.

On May 4, 1992, a surveillance team of six officers arrested McDuff as he drove to a landfill south of Kansas City.

McDuff is a possible suspect in the Missouri disappearance of 30-year-old Cheryl Ann Kenney and the abduction of 20-year-old Angela Marie Hammond.

U.S. Marshal Parnell McNamara, who helped instigate the search that led to the arrest, conviction, and execution of Kenneth McDuff, also played an instrumental role in uncovering many of McDuff's victims.


During a live lineup for a witness to the abduction of Colleen Reed, McDuff refused to shave and get a haircut in an obvious attempt to confuse the witness. The witness positively identified McDuff anyway.


Kenneth McDuff had no allegiance to any group. This photo was taken by the Waco Police Department when McDuff offered his services as a snitch. Undoubtedly, he would have then demanded "protection" money from the drug dealers he promised to turn in. The Waco Police Department wisely declined his offer.


Security around the federal courthouse during McDuff's arraignment was as tight as anything ever seen in the history of Waco. The security, however, was to protect McDuff from the very large crowds assembled outside of the courthouse and airport.


In March of 1998, Judge George Allen set an execution date as McDuff sat in silence and while the families of victims looked on. After one stay, Kenneth McDuff was executed in Huntsville on November 17, 1998.
Trial and execution

McDuff was indicted on one count of capital murder for the death of Melissa Northrup in McLennan County, Texas, on June 26, 1992. He was found guilty. In Texas, juries determine whether or not an individual convicted of capital murder receives life imprisonment or the death penalty.

On February 18, 1993, the jury, in a special punishment hearing, opted to sentence him to death. His case was automatically taken to the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals, which affirmed the sentence on April 28, 1997.

McDuff filed a writ of certiorari to the US Supreme Court, but this was rejected on January 12, 1998. A state writ of habeas corpus was also rejected on April 15, 1998.

On April 29, 1998, the original court of sentencing in McLennan County set the execution date as October 21, 1998. However, on July 8, McDuff filed a federal writ of habeas corpus. This had the effect of delaying his execution as his case was considered again.

Finally, on October 15, 1998, the Western District Court denied habeas corpus relief and rescheduled the execution date for November 17, 1998. He filed a Notice of Appeal on October 23, but on October 26 his request for a certificate of appealability was denied by the Western District Court, and he was duly executed on November 17. He gave up Colleen Reed's burial location a couple of weeks before his execution. Before giving up where she was buried, McDuff reasoned that he would not be treated right if he told them the location of her body and that his rights while awaiting execution would be removed. He eventually released where she was buried after officials assured him that his rights would remain. McDuff told them where she was, the Brazos river. Authorities had a difficult and ultimately, unsuccessful time finding the body, so instead they chose to have McDuff be transported to the location. He was successful in locating her, merely telling them to move one blade-length before they discovered and removed her body from its burial place of seven years.

McDuff is buried in the Captain Joe Byrd Cemetery, also known as "Peckerwood Hill," in Huntsville, Texas. Prisoners buried there are those whose family choose not to claim their remains. His headstone contains only his date of execution, 11-17-98, as well as a "X" meaning he was executed by the State of Texas, and the number 99905. His final meal according to death row chef Brian Price was a hamburger fashioned to resemble his request of a steak.


Kenneth Allen McDuff is buried in the Captain Joe Byrd Cemetery, also known as "Peckerwood Hill," in Huntsville, Texas. Prisoners buried there are those without family choosing to claim their remains. The 11-17-98 refers to his execution date. The "X" means he was executed by the State of Texas, and the 999055 was his death row number.





OTHER LINKS:

MY THOUGHTS:
            I did a search for ‘Kenneth McDuff’ on Anti-Death Penalty websites but I cannot find his name on it. It is most probably, the abolitionists are too embarrassed by his crimes to put his name on their websites. He was a recidivist murderer who murdered and was paroled to kill more people again.

            Whenever you mention Kenneth McDuff to any abolitionists, they will be too embarrass to talk about it. Kenneth McDuff is a great shame to abolitionist. Most probably, he is burning in hell with other murderers!

IN LOVING MEMORY OF PC SHARON BESHENIVSKY (14 JANUARY 1967 – 18 NOVEMBER 2005)

$
0
0

On this date, 18 November 2005, PC Sharon Beshenivsky was shot dead in Bradford, England. Please go to this Blog Post to learn more. 


PC Sharon Beshenivsky
 

COP KILLER: CRAIG NEIL OGAN, JR. (EXECUTED IN TEXAS ON NOVEMBER 19, 2002)

$
0
0


On this date, November 19, 2002, a Cop Killer, Craig Neil Ogan, Jr. was executed by lethal injection in Texas. He was convicted of shooting Officer James C. Boswell on December 9, 1989. I will post the information about him from clarkprosecutor.org.


Craig Neil Ogan, Jr.




Officer James C. Boswell [END OF WATCH: December 9, 1989]

Summary: Ogan worked as a DEA informant in the Houston area. Despite explicit instructions to possess no deadly weapons, Ogan stepped out of his motel after an argument over long distance calls, armed himself, and walked across the street to a police car that had pulled over a vehicle for a traffic stop. Ogan went to the side of the police car and knocked on the window. Officer James C. Boswell rolled down his window and asked what Ogan wanted. Ogan responded, "DEA dropped me off out here, and I'm cold." Officer Boswell told Ogan to back away from the car until the officers finished the traffic stop. When Ogan persisted, demanding that Boswell give him immediate assistance, Officer Boswell took his gun from the holster and, holding it behind his right leg, reached into the police car to unlock the back door. Ogan then, without warning or provocation, shot Officer Boswell in the head. After seeing his partner fall against the back door of the police car, Officer Gainer chased and caught Ogan, wounding him in the process.

Citations:

Final Meal:
None.

Final Words:
"In killing me, the people responsible have blood on their hands, because I am not guilty. I acted in self-defense and reflex in the face of a police officer who was out of control." During his lengthy final statement, Ogan also complained of "police and prosecutorial perjury," which the courts ignored. The lethal injection was given while Ogan was still speaking. He was talking about Boswell's dealings with "enemy agents," when he paused, then lost consciousness. 

Internet Sources:

Texas Department of Criminal Justice - Executed Offenders (Craig Neil Ogan) 

Texas Attorney General Media Advisory

MEDIA ADVISORY - Friday, November 15, 2002 - Craig Neil Ogan Scheduled to be Executed. 

AUSTIN - Texas Attorney General John Cornyn offers the following information on Craig Neil Ogan, who is scheduled to be executed after 6 p.m. on Tuesday, Nov. 19, 2002. On June 29, 1990, Craig Neil Ogan was sentenced to die for the capital murder of police officer James C. Boswell, which occurred in Houston, Texas, on Dec. 8, 1989. A summary of the evidence presented at trial follows: 

FACTS OF THE CRIME 

In late 1989, Craig Neil Ogan moved to Houston, Texas, from St. Louis, Missouri, where he voluntarily acted as a confidential informant for the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA). A DEA agent acted as Ogan's supervisor in Houston. The DEA agent told Ogan that he could not carry a weapon under any circumstances, per DEA policy. He also told Ogan to "just let his face be known" around Houston and instructed him not to be involved in any drug deals. 

Despite these explicit instructions, Ogan insisted on arming himself and continued to seek involvement in drug transactions. On Dec. 8, 1989, Ogan called the DEA agent from a Houston restaurant. Ogan told him that a deal had fallen through and resulted in an armed confrontation. Ogan told the agent that he feared for his life and asked him to come to the restaurant and escort Ogan safely off the premises. 

The DEA agent arranged for Houston police officers Darryl O'Leary and Steven Hanner to escort Ogan out of the restaurant. Ogan asked the officers to take him to his apartment so that he could remove papers and tapes related to a DEA investigation. At Ogan's apartment, the officers observed Ogan pack his belongings, including what appeared to be a .38-caliber pistol, a sawed-off shotgun, and at least two hunting knives. Officers O'Leary and Hanner then followed Ogan as he drove to a motel. 

Ogan checked into his motel room and attempted to make several long-distance telephone calls, but the service was disconnected because Ogan had not left a deposit for long-distance calls. When Ogan went to the office to pay for his calls and to leave a deposit, he also complained that the heater in his room was not functioning. As he complained, he became louder and more upset, but eventually left the office area. 

A short time later, Ogan returned to the motel office and renewed his complaints. He told the desk attendant that he did not want to pay for his long-distance calls and wanted his money back. Ogan became more angry. The attendant threatened to call security at which time Ogan began kicking at the office door. The desk attendant then called 9-1-1 for assistance. Ogan left the motel, and, seeing a police car across the street, walked to the passenger side of the car and knocked on the window.
Houston police officers Morgan Gainer and James Boswell had pulled into the parking lot to stop a car for a traffic infraction, and were unaware of the dispute between Ogan and the motel clerk. In response to Ogan's knock, Officer Boswell rolled down his window and asked what Ogan wanted. Ogan responded, "DEA dropped me off out here, and I'm cold." Officer Boswell told Ogan to back away from the car until the officers finished the traffic stop. 

Ogan knocked on the window a second time. Officer Boswell opened the door and again asked Ogan to step back. Ogan told Officer Boswell that he was an informant for the DEA and that he was cold. Officer Boswell again told Ogan that he would have to wait. Ogan instead repeated his statement a third time. Officer Boswell told Ogan, "You need to get out of here if you are not willing to step out of the way and wait. You either need to leave, or you are going to jail." 

Officer Boswell then got out of the police car. Ogan demanded that Boswell give him immediate assistance. Officer Boswell took his gun from the holster and, holding it behind his right leg, reached into the police car to unlock the back door. Ogan then, without warning or provocation, shot Officer Boswell in the head. After seeing his partner fall against the back door of the police car, Officer Gainer chased and caught Ogan, wounding him in the process. 

PROCEDURAL HISTORY 

On June 25, 1990, Ogan was convicted in Harris County, Texas, for the intentional murder of Houston police officer James C. Boswell. After a separate punishment hearing, Ogan was sentenced to death on June 29, 1990. The conviction and sentence were affirmed on direct appeal by the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals. The Supreme Court denied Ogan's petition for writ of certiorari on March 28, 1994. The Court of Criminal Appeals denied Ogan's application for state writ of habeas corpus on April 28, 1999. 

On Sept. 29, 2000, the district court denied Ogan's federal writ of habeas corpus, as well as his request for an evidentiary hearing and a certificate of appealability (COA). Ogan filed an application for COA to the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals on Jan. 29, 2001, and the Director filed a response in opposition on Feb. 28, 2001. On Dec. 12, 2001, pursuant to the issuance of the Supreme Court's opinion in Penry v. Johnson, 532 U.S. 782 (2001), the Fifth Circuit requested that both parties file supplemental briefing regarding the applicability of Penry II to Ogan's case. After hearing oral argument, that court denied Ogan's request for COA on June 28, 2002. Ogan filed a petition for writ of certiorari to the Supreme Court on Oct. 30, 2002. 

PRIOR CRIMINAL HISTORY 

While Ogan had numerous unadjudicated assaults where charges were dismissed, he has no prior criminal record. 



Craig Neil Ogan, Jr.


ProDeathPenalty.com

A jury deliberated for five hours before they found Craig Neil Ogan Jr. guilty of killing a Houston police officer who had rejected his demand for immediate attention at a street scene. The officer's parents hugged and clasped hands after hearing the verdict. The many officers in the courtroom, tears in their eyes, slapped each other on the back and gave the thumbs up sign. "As far as I'm concerned, the worst is over," said Cecil "Sonny" Boswell, father of the slain officer, James C. Boswell , 29. "In our eyes, Jim was on trial." Martha Boswell, the officer's mother said, "It helps in that his memory is not besmirched." Whether Ogan received the death penalty was insignificant, the Boswells said after the verdict. "His death is not going to bring my son back," Sonny Boswell said. "I'm not going to lose a minute's sleep over it." Officer A.R. Northcutt, who worked and played golf with Boswell, called the verdict "a big relief. It lets people know that if you do this, you're not going to get away with it.' Prosecutors portrayed Ogan as a paranoid, quick-tempered "macho man" who dreamed of becoming a CIA agent. "He snuffed out one of our beautiful people, a man who only wanted to serve," prosecutor Rusty Hardin said.
After the penalty phase, the jury deliberated nine hours before sentencing Ogan to death. Boswell's mother, Martha Boswell of Meridian, Mississippi, voiced mixed feelings about her son's killer receiving the maximum penalty. "I feel like the evidence was there for the death penalty, just like it was for the verdict of guilty," she said. "We could've lived with anything the jury came back with, and killing Mr. Ogan isn't going to bring our son back, but he needs to be punished for what he did." The panel's 12:30 a.m. verdict came after they answered "yes" to three key questions, and the last one - did Ogan shoot Boswell on Dec. 9, 1989, without provocation by the officer - was important to the slain officer's partner, Morgan Gainer. "It's not something you can feel good about," Gainer said of seeing a man sentenced to death, "but at least Boz's name is clear now.' 

In convicting Ogan, 35, of capital murder, jurors spurned his lawyers' arguments that the fatal round was fired into Boswell's temple in self-defense. Ogan claimed the officer called him "a (f***ing) snitch" and tried to shoot him. Boswell, 28, was killed Dec. 9 on a South Main parking lot. Gainer said Ogan walked up to them, wouldn't abide by directions to wait and killed Boswell for not helping him immediately. Ogan had contended he feared that drug peddlers were out to kill him and he needed Boswell 's immediate attention. The officer was writing a traffic ticket, and a woman complainant was waiting to speak to him. 

Prosecutor Rusty Hardin said a key question for jurors - whether Ogan, 35, is likely to continue to commit acts of violence - was clearly established by his acts from 1981-88. Hardin described Ogan, a St. Louis marijuana peddler turned U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration professional tipster, as a violence-prone "peeping tom" voyeur with an explosive temper. In his testimony, Ogan had tried to downplay his volatile nature, but Hardin countered with testimony from the informant's former girlfriend, nurse Linda Dunajcik. She said their six-year, live-in affair was characterized by Ogan's mostly spurning her efforts to get him therapy for being a window peeper and having continual angry outbursts. Dunacjik said she doesn't believe in the death penalty, but that Ogan seems likely to keep losing his temper. "It could've been me," she said quietly. 

So on seeing Boswell's police unit stopped at the Stop N Go at South Main and Westridge, he said, he crossed the street to get help. Minutes later, Ogan shot Boswell, then was shot in the back by Boswell's partner, Morgan Gainer, as he was fleeing. Ogan repeatedly denied being mad when the fatal shot was fired, but he admitted he can lose his temper if pushed and, just before Boswell's killing, got angry enough at the motel's desk clerk that he kicked a door. "Did you feel Officer Boswell wasn't taking you seriously?" Hardin asked. "I felt Officer Boswell got very hostile," Ogan testified. Ogan steadfastly maintained that Boswell, faced with the defendant's persistent demands for help and refusal to just wait, jumped from his patrol car and fumbled for his gun. In several instances, Ogan has maintained Boswell was having trouble with his holster flap. But Hardin pointed out that Boswell 's holster had no flap. "All I know is he was fumbling for his gun," Ogan said. "I don't know if he had a flap. It all happened in seconds.' 

Ogan said his life was literally rerouted by reading the book "I Led Three Lives". It concerns a man who infiltrated Communist organizations, and from his teens that's the spy status Ogan strived to attain. On the witness stand, Ogan testified he tried for years to get an undercover job with the CIA. All his 1988-89 efforts for the DEA were aimed at getting him a job reference. From 1979 to 1985, St. Louis DEA agent Jerome Hutchinson said, Ogan is known to have sold 100-pound lots of marijuana from Florida every week in his home town. Hardin said the DEA viewed the pot dealer as a sort of "godsend." Not only did he have an established St. Louis import business that gave him a legitimate reason to travel abroad, Ogan spoke Spanish, French and Portuguese and desperately wanted to inform on his drug connections to get a CIA referral. 

Ogan's move to Houston came in October 1989 after a Missouri judge ordered some of his secretly made tape recordings turned over to attorneys for the targets of his investigations. In Houston, the DEA told Ogan to get an apartment and "make his face known" at two clubs frequented by Hispanics. He got into a dispute with three men he had been asking about buying kilograms of cocaine. They thought he was a "narc" and had a pistol-pointing confrontation with him outside a restaurant. The DEA told Ogan not to return to his apartment and got Houston police to take him to a motel. Ogan ended up at the Astro Motor Inn on South Main. On the night of Dec. 8, Ogan was unhappy about the heat not working in his motel room and was concerned that he had been found by some of the dealers he'd clashed with earlier. 

After a dispute with the motel's desk clerk, Ogan sat in his Yugo. Then, he said, he saw Boswell 's car parked across the street at a Stop 'N Go store. Boswell and Gainer were writing a traffic ticket, and a woman involved in a domestic disturbance was waiting to see them. Gainer said Boswell walked up to Boswell 's window and identified himself as a DEA informant. Boswell told Ogan to wait, but Ogan demanded help. Boswell again told Ogan to step back and wait. When Ogan kept talking, Boswell got out of his patrol car, gun held out of sight against his leg and was unlocking the vehicle's back door when the informant fired the fatal shot. After inexplicably shooting Boswell, Gainer said, Ogan muttered, "Well, (f***) you then," before fleeing. 

UPDATE: Defiant to the end, a former federal drug informant who aspired to be a CIA agent was executed for killing a Houston police officer 13 years ago. "In killing me, the people responsible have blood on their hands because I am not guilty," Craig Ogan said in a deliberate and firm voice. He described the details that preceded the officer's death and, as he has in the past, essentially blamed slain Officer James Boswell for the officer's death. Ogan said Boswell was a "police officer who was out of control." Ogan complained that the courts ignored what he said was evidence of "police and prosecutorial perjury." Without looking at relatives of the slain officer, who watched through a window a few feet away, he alleged that Boswell was angry and was still suffering from an on-the-job injury months before. As he paused briefly trying to collect his thoughts, the lethal drugs kicked in and Ogan snorted and coughed. He was pronounced dead at 7:13 p.m. CST, eight minutes after the lethal dose began.

THE NUREMBERG PRINCIPLES (20 NOVEMBER 1945)

$
0
0

On this date, 20 November 1945, the Nuremberg Trials began at the Palace of Justice in Nuremberg, Germany. To remember this historical date, I will post the Nuremberg principles from Wikipedia



The Nuremberg principles were a set of guidelines for determining what constitutes a war crime. The document was created by the International Law Commission of the United Nations to codify the legal principles underlying the Nuremberg Trials of Nazi party members following World War II.

The principles

Principle I

Principle I states, "Any person who commits an act which constitutes a crime under international law is responsible therefore and liable to punishment."

Principle II

Principle II states, "The fact that internal law does not impose a penalty for an act which constitutes a crime under international law does not relieve the person who committed the act from responsibility under international law."

Principle III

Principle III states, "The fact that a person who committed an act which constitutes a crime under international law acted as Head of State or responsible government official does not relieve him from responsibility under international law."

Principle IV

Main article: Superior Orders

Principle IV states: "The fact that a person acted pursuant to order of his Government or of a superior does not relieve him from responsibility under international law, provided a moral choice was in fact possible to him".

This principle could be paraphrased as follows: "It is not an acceptable excuse to say 'I was just following my superior's orders'".

Previous to the time of the Nuremberg Trials, this excuse was known in common parlance as "Superior Orders". After the prominent, high profile event of the Nuremberg Trials, that excuse is now referred to by many as "Nuremberg Defense". In recent times, a third term, "lawful orders" has become common parlance for some people. All three terms are in use today, and they all have slightly different nuances of meaning, depending on the context in which they are used.

Nuremberg Principle IV is legally supported by the jurisprudence found in certain articles in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights which deal indirectly with conscientious objection. It is also supported by the principles found in paragraph 171 of the Handbook on Procedures and Criteria for Determining Refugee Status which was issued by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Those principles deal with the conditions under which conscientious objectors can apply for refugee status in another country if they face persecution in their own country for refusing to participate in an illegal war.

Principle V

Principle V states, "Any person charged with a crime under international law has the right to a fair trial on the facts and law."

Principle VI

Principle VI states,

"The crimes hereinafter set out are punishable as crimes under international law:


(i) Planning, preparation, initiation or waging of a war of aggression or a war in violation of international treaties, agreements or assurances;

(ii) Participation in a common plan or conspiracy for the accomplishment of any of the acts mentioned under (i).


Violations of the laws or customs of war which include, but are not limited to, murder, ill-treatment or deportation to slave labor or for any other purpose of civilian population of or in occupied territory; murder or ill-treatment of prisoners of war or persons on the Seas, killing of hostages, plunder of public or private property, wanton destruction of cities, towns, or villages, or devastation not justified by military necessity.


Murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation and other inhumane acts done against any civilian population, or persecutions on political, racial, or religious grounds, when such acts are done or such persecutions are carried on in execution of or in connection with any crime against peace or any war crime."

Principle VII

Principle VII states, "Complicity in the commission of a crime against peace, a war crime, or a crime against humanity as set forth in Principle VI is a crime under international law."


Nuremberg Trials. Defendants in the dock. The main target of the prosecution was Hermann Göring (at the left edge on the first row of benches), considered to be the most important surviving official in the Third Reich after Hitler's death.
The Principles' power or lack of power


In the period just prior to the June 26, 1945 signing of the Charter of the United Nations, the governments participating in its drafting were opposed to conferring on the United Nations legislative power to enact binding rules of international law. As a corollary, they also rejected proposals to confer on the General Assembly the power to impose certain general conventions on states by some form of majority vote. There was, however, strong support for conferring on the General Assembly the more limited powers of study and recommendation, which led to the adoption of Article 13 in Chapter IV of the Charter. It obliges the United Nations General Assembly to initiate studies and to make recommendations that encourage the progressive development of international law and its codification. The Nuremberg Principles were developed by UN organs under that limited mandate.

Unlike treaty law, customary international law is not written. To prove that a certain rule is customary one has to show that it is reflected in state practice and that there exists a conviction in the international community that such practice is required as a matter of law. (For example, the Nuremberg Trials were a "practice" of the "international law" of the Nuremberg Principles; and that "practice" was supported by the international community.) In this context, "practice" relates to official state practice and therefore includes formal statements by states. A contrary practice by some states is possible. If this contrary practice is condemned by other states then the rule is confirmed. (See also: Sources of international law)

In 1947, under UN General Assembly Resolution 177 (II), paragraph (a), the International Law Commission was directed to "formulate the principles of international law recognized in the Charter of the Nuremberg Tribunal and in the judgment of the Tribunal." In the course of the consideration of this subject, the question arose as to whether or not the Commission should ascertain to what extent the principles contained in the Charter and judgment constituted principles of international law. The conclusion was that since the Nuremberg Principles had been affirmed by the General Assembly, the task entrusted to the Commission was not to express any appreciation of these principles as principles of international law but merely to formulate them. The text above was adopted by the Commission at its second session. The Report of the Commission also contains commentaries on the principles (see Yearbook of the Intemational Law Commission, 1950, Vol. II, pp. 374–378).



Examples of the principles supported and not supported

For examples relating to Principle VI, see List of war crimes.

For examples relating to Principle IV (from before, during, and after the Nuremberg Trials), see Superior Orders.

The 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court

Concerning Nuremberg Principle IV, and its reference to an individual’s responsibility, it could be argued that a version of the Superior Orders defense can be found as a defense to international crimes in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. (The Rome Statute was agreed upon in 1998 as the foundational document of the International Criminal Court, established to try those individuals accused of serious international crimes.) Article 33, titled "Superior Orders and prescription of law," states:

1. The fact that a crime within the jurisdiction of the Court has been committed by a person pursuant to an order of a Government or of a superior, whether military or civilian, shall not relieve that person of criminal responsibility unless:
  • (a) The person was under a legal obligation to obey orders of the Government or the superior in question;
  • (b) The person did not know that the order was unlawful; and
  • (c) The order was not manifestly unlawful.
2. For the purposes of this article, orders to commit genocide or crimes against humanity are manifestly unlawful.

There are two interpretations of this Article:
  • This formulation, especially (1)(a), whilst effectively prohibiting the use of the Nuremberg Defense in relation to charges of genocide and crimes against humanity, does however, appear to allow the Nuremberg Defense to be used as a protection against charges of war crimes, provided the relevant criteria are met.
  • Nevertheless, this interpretation of ICC Article 33 is open to debate: For example Article 33 (1)(c) protects the defendant only if "the order was not manifestly unlawful." The "order" could be considered "unlawful" if we consider Nuremberg Principle IV to be the applicable "law" in this case. If so, then the defendant is not protected. Discussion as to whether or not Nuremberg Prinicple IV is the applicable law in this case is found in a discussion of the Nuremberg Principles' power or lack of power.

Canada

Nuremberg Principle IV, and its reference to an individual’s responsibility, was also at issue in Canada in the case of Hinzman v. Canada.Jeremy Hinzman was a U.S. Army deserter who claimed refugee status in Canada as a conscientious objector, one of many Iraq War resisters. Hinzman's lawyer, Jeffry House, had previously raised the issue of the legality of the Iraq War as having a bearing on their case. The Federal Court ruling was released on March 31, 2006, and denied the refugee status claim. In the decision, Justice Anne L. Mactavish addressed the issue of personal responsibility:


“An individual must be involved at the policy-making level to be culpable for a crime against peace ... the ordinary foot soldier is not expected to make his or her own personal assessment as to the legality of a conflict. Similarly, such an individual cannot be held criminally responsible for fighting in support of an illegal war, assuming that his or her personal war-time conduct is otherwise proper.”


On Nov 15, 2007, a Coram of the Supreme Court of Canada consisting of Justices Michel Bastarache, Rosalie Abella, and Louise Charron refused an application to have the Court hear the case on appeal, without giving reasons.

PLEASE GO TO THESE BLOG POSTS TO LEARN MORE ABOUT THE NUREMBERG TRIALS:



THE FOURTH REICH: ABORTION HOLOCAUST [ARTICLE ON PRO-LIFE OF THE MONTH ~ NOVEMBER 2013]

$
0
0


NOTICE: The following article is written by the author itself and not by me, I am not trying to violate their copyright. I will give some information on them. I chose this as the article on Pro Life of the month, as on this date, 20 November 1945, the Nuremberg Trials began at the Palace of Justice.

ARTICLE TITLE:The Fourth Reich: Abortion Holocaust
DATE: Sunday July 8, 2012
AUTHOR: J. Matt Barber
AUTHOR INFORMATION: Matt Barber is an attorney concentrating in constitutional law. He is author of the book “The Right Hook – From the Ring to the Culture War” and serves as Director of Cultural Affairs with both Liberty Counsel and Liberty Alliance Action, and Associate Dean with Liberty University School of Law.


I recently finished reading “Bonhoeffer”by Eric Metaxas. The book, a nearly 600-page biography of German pastor and influential theologian Dietrich Bonhoeffer, was simply life-changing. Throughout his page-turning treatise, Metaxas brilliantly illustrates how Bonhoeffer lived and died by Christ’s admonition, “faith without works is dead” (James 2:20).

Although Bonhoeffer penned a number of widely read books on theology and Christian apologetics, he is chiefly remembered for his key role in one of several German conspiracies to assassinate Adolf Hitler and overthrow the Nazi regime. For this he was captured and hanged just weeks before the end of World War II.

It seems natural at this point to trek into “must read” book review territory; however, I will resist that temptation. Although “Bonhoeffer” kicked open the door to any number of theological, philosophical and political themes, it struck another cord with me entirely.

As I read of Bonhoeffer’s efforts to thwart the genocidal slaughter of millions of Jews, disabled people and other “enemies of the State,” I could not help but recognize the parallels between the vast holocaust carried out in Nazi Germany just decades ago and the modern-day holocaust ongoing within our own shores.

Whereas the Nazis were responsible for the wholesale murder of more than 6 million Jews, those today who support the practice of abortion homicide are no less complicit in the systematic slaughter of 55-million-and-counting equally precious human beings post Roe v. Wade. The parallels are undeniable and the science unequivocal. Murder is murder whatever stage of development the human victim.

The stark similarities between the two holocausts were lost on neither Dietrich Bonhoeffer nor Eric Metaxas. “Destruction of the embryo in the mother’s womb is a violation of the right to live which God has bestowed upon this nascent life,” wrote Bonhoeffer in “Ethics,” his very last book.

“To raise the question whether we are here concerned already with a human being or not is merely to confuse the issue. The simple fact is that God certainly intended to create a human being and that this nascent human being has been deliberately deprived of his life. And that is nothing but murder,” he concluded.

Indeed, Psalm 139:13 says, “For you created my inmost being; you knit me together in my mother’s womb.”

So it occurs to me that those who call themselves “pro-life” and put faith to action in defense of innocent persons – as did Dietrich Bonhoeffer – honor both the memory of this Christian martyr and the God he served. They have picked up his mantle. They are continuing his noble work.

By contrast, if pro-lifers are modern-day Dietrich Bonhoeffers, then what does that make abortion supporters? In the years leading up to and during World War II, many Germans – who were otherwise generally good people – succumbed to Nazi propaganda and acquiesced to the horrific Jewish persecution that escalated from a slow boil to a red-hot torrent around them. In effect, they bought into exactly the same kind of dehumanizing, euphemistic semantical garbage embraced by those who today call themselves “pro-choice.”

Mind-boggling is the human capacity to rationalize genocide.

On Feb. 2, 2012, Eric Metaxas gave the keynote address at the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington, D.C. He was clearly inspired and influenced by the subject of his latest biography.

Sharing the stage and sitting merely feet away was Barack Obama, the most radically pro-abortion president in U.S. history. In a spectacular show of resolve and moxie, Metaxas walked over to the president and handed him a copy of “Bonhoeffer.” He then launched into one of the most powerful and stirring speeches I’ve ever heard.

While President Obama squirmed nervously in his seat, Metaxas addressed both his book and the abortion holocaust with incisive clarity, saying, in part, “We are capable of the same horrible things. … Apart from God we cannot see that they (the unborn) are persons as well. So those of us who know the unborn to be human beings are commanded by God to love those who do not yet see that. We need to know that apart from God we would be on the other side of that divide, fighting for what we believe is right. We cannot demonize our enemies. Today, if you believe abortion is wrong, you must treat those on the other side with the love of Jesus.”

Indeed, we are admonished in Scripture to pray for our enemies – to love those who do evil.

Nonetheless, we are also commanded to speak truth. We are told to hate that which is evil and to fight – indeed to die if necessary – for that which is good.

I will, no doubt, be accused of demonizing abortion supporters by equating abortion genocide to the Nazi Holocaust. I will be charged with violating “Godwin’s law” which holds that: “As a Usenet discussion grows longer, the probability of a comparison involving Nazis or Hitler approaches one.”

That’s fine.

Still, my comparison is not intended to be an ad hominem attack. In fact, it’s not an attack at all. It simply is what it is. To identify the undeniable juxtaposition between the Nazi and abortion holocausts respectively is to make use of the best analogy available. I can think of no more fitting a comparison. If the shoe fits and all that.

Indeed, ours is a holocaust no less real – no less evil than that perpetrated by the Nazi regime. We’ve simply moved from the gas chambers to the abortion clinic – from Auschwitz to Planned Parenthood.

I love America. She’s the greatest nation on earth. Nonetheless, as long as we continue to allow this enduring slaughter of the most innocent among us, we are no better than was Nazi Germany. Abortion on demand will be viewed by our progeny as the single greatest blight on our American heritage.

To live under Roe v. Wade is to live in shame. To live under pro-abortion leadership is to live under the Fourth Reich.


Dietrich Bonhoeffer (PHOTO SOURCE: http://www.quoteswave.com/picture-quotes/410567)

AJMAL THE DEAD TERRORIST (EXECUTED IN INDIA ON 21 NOVEMBER 2012)

DEATH ROW JOKE: GARY HAUGEN THE PRISON KILLER

$
0
0


On this date, November 22, 2011, Oregon governor John Kitzhaber announced a moratorium on executions in Oregon, cancelling a planned execution and ordering a review of the death penalty system in the state. You would have expected most Death Row inmates to be relief as they got more years to live. However, one Death Row inmate was not happy at all, he wanted to be executed and he did not get his wish.


Gary Haugen
Who is Gary Haugen?

Gary Haugen was serving a life sentence for fatally bludgeoning his former girlfriend's mother, Mary Archer, when he was sentenced to death for the 2003 killing of fellow inmate David Polin, who had 84 stab wounds and a crushed skull in Oregon.


Interview: Death row inmate says governor wasn't truthful with voters
By Anna Canzano KATU News and KATU.com Staff Published: Mar 20, 2013 at 5:46 PM PDT Last Updated: Mar 21, 2013 at 10:01 AM PDT 

PORTLAND, Ore. – The man sitting on Oregon's death row and wants the state to execute him had harsh words Wednesday for the man trying to save his life.

During a phone interview from death row, Gary Haugen took issue with Gov. John Kitzhaber, the man who blocked his execution in 2011. The governor said he wouldn't let anyone be executed on his watch. 

On Wednesday, Haugen claimed the governor wasn't truthful with voters about how far he'd go in opposing the death penalty until after voters put him back in office in 2010.

"When he was campaigning, he knew fully well if this came up again he was going to do something different. ... But he didn't disclose that to the people,"
Haugen said.

Kitzhaber did say at a League of Women Voters primary debate April 1 2010, before getting re-elected, that he was "personally opposed to the death penalty." He talked about how difficult it was to allow two people to be put to death while he was governor the first time, and he didn't ever want to have to do that again.

Haugen's battle with the governor is now before the Oregon Supreme Court, and he insisted the issue is not about him but about the law.

"It's about the people and maintaining the integrity of the law," Haugen said. "The people voted the death penalty in. ... The people are the ones who voted in this statute that allows prisoners to waive their appeals at a certain appellate juncture. ... And (Kitzhaber's) not respecting the people on any level." 

When asked if he'd consider taking his own life if he loses the case to save everyone the trouble and save taxpayer money, Haugen said, "That's the easy way. In my younger days in my experiences with drugs – been there done that – that's not part of the equation," he said.

Oregon's justices will likely rule on Haugen's case by the end of the year. They won't decide the legality of the death penalty itself, which has been extensively debated, but rather will consider the sparsely explored question of how much power the governor has to reduce, delay or eliminate criminal sentences.

Haugen was sentenced to death along with an accomplice in 2007 for the jailhouse murder of a fellow inmate, who was found with stab wounds and a crushed skull in the prison band room. At the time, Haugen was serving a life sentence for fatally beating his former girlfriend's mother in 1981.

During Wednesday's phone interview, he apologized to the families for what he'd done.

"To the Pratt family and the Archer family, whether they believe it or not, I'd give my soul if I could take it back,"he said. "If I would have just responded in a different way – I'm sorry."

The Associated Press contributed background to this report.

Please see these 3 of my previous posts when I commented on Oregon’s death penalty:

PREVIOUS BLOG POST ON GARY HAUGEN =

MY ANSWERS TO SOME OF THE 50 QUESTIONS! =

OREGON’S DEATH PENALTY HALT IMMORAL AND WRONG =
http://soldierexecutionerprolifer2008.blogspot.com.au/2012/06/oregons-death-penalty-halt-immoral-and.html

THE FIFTIETH ANNIVERSARY OF THE ASSASSINATION OF JOHN F. KENNEDY (NOVEMBER 22, 1963)

$
0
0


            50 years ago on this date, November 22, 1963, the 35th President of the United States, John F. Kennedy was assassinated in Dealey Plaza, Dallas, Texas. To honor this fallen President, I will post information about this event on Wikipedia before posting an article about his achievements.


President Kennedy with his wife, Jacqueline, and Governor of TexasJohn Connally in the presidential limousine, minutes before the President's assassination.

Location
Dealey Plaza, Dallas, Texas
Coordinates
32°46′45″N96°48′31″WCoordinates: 32°46′45″N96°48′31″W
Date
November 22, 1963
12:30 p.m. (CST)
Target
John F. Kennedy
Attack type
Sniper style assassination
Weapon(s)
6.5 × 52 mm Italian Carcano M91/38 bolt-action rifle
Deaths
1 killed (President Kennedy)
Injured (non-fatal)
2 wounded (Governor Connally, James Tague)
Perpetrator
Lee Harvey Oswald

John Fitzgerald Kennedy, the 35thPresident of the United States, was assassinated at 12:30 p.m. Central Standard Time (18:30 UTC) on Friday, November 22, 1963, in Dealey Plaza, Dallas, Texas. Kennedy was fatally shot by a sniper while traveling with his wife Jacqueline, Texas Governor John Connally, and Connally's wife Nellie, in a presidential motorcade. A ten-month investigation in 1963–64 by the Warren Commission concluded that Kennedy was assassinated by Lee Harvey Oswald, acting alone, and that Jack Ruby also acted alone when he killed Oswald before he could stand trial.

Although the Commission's conclusions were initially supported by a majority of the American public, polls conducted between 1966 and 2003 found that as many as 80 percent of Americans have suspected that there was a plot or cover-up. A 1998 CBS News poll showed that 76% of Americans believed the President had been killed as the result of a conspiracy. A 2013 AP poll showed, that although the percentage had fallen, more than 59% of those polled still believed that more than one person was involved in the President's murder.

In contrast to the conclusions of the Warren Commission, the United States House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) concluded in 1978 that Kennedy was probably assassinated as a result of a conspiracy. The HSCA found the original FBI investigation and the Warren Commission Report to be seriously flawed. While agreeing with the Commission that Oswald fired all the shots which caused the wounds to Kennedy and Connally, the HSCA stated that there were at least four shots fired (only three of which could be linked to Oswald) and that there was "...a high probability that two gunmen fired at [the] President."

The HSCA did not identify any other person or group involved in the assassination besides Oswald, but they did specifically say the CIA, the Soviet Union, organized crime, and several other groups were not involved, although they could not rule out the involvement of individual members of those groups. Kennedy's assassination is still the subject of widespread debate and has spawned numerous conspiracy theories and alternative scenarios.


Aerial map of Dealey Plaza in Dallas, Texas, showing the route of President John F. Kennedy's motorcade on November 22, 1963. The red X's indicate his locations when he was shot. The blue dots indicate the locations of amateur filmmakers who filmed the assassination. Adapted from Warren Commission Exhibits 359 and 876, published in the public domain in 1964.
Route to Dealey Plaza


President Kennedy's motorcade route through Dallas was planned to give him maximum exposure to Dallas crowds before his arrival, along with Vice-President Lyndon Johnson and Texas Governor John Connally, at a luncheon with civic and business leaders in that city. The White House staff informed the Secret Service that the President would arrive in Dallas via a short flight from Carswell Air Force Base in Fort Worth to Dallas Love Field airport.

The Dallas Trade Mart had been preliminarily selected for the luncheon and the final decision of the Trade Mart as the end of the motorcade journey was selected by President Kennedy's friend and appointments secretary Kenneth O'Donnell. Leaving from Dallas' Love Field, 45 minutes had been allotted for the motorcade to reach the Dallas Trade Mart at a planned arrival time of 12:15 p.m. The actual route was chosen to be a meandering 10-mile (16-km) route from Love Field to the Trade Mart which could be driven slowly in the allotted time.

Special Agent Winston G. Lawson, a member of the White House detail who acted as the advance Secret Service Agent, and Secret Service Agent Forrest V. Sorrels, Special Agent In Charge of the Dallas office, were most active in planning the actual route. On November 14, Lawson and Sorrels attended a meeting at Love Field and drove over the route which Sorrels believed best suited for the motorcade. From Love Field, the route passed through a portion of suburban Dallas, through the downtown area along Main Street, and finally to the Trade Mart via a short segment of the Stemmons Freeway.

For the President's return to Love Field, from which he planned to depart for a fund-raising dinner in Austin later in the day, the agents selected a more direct route, which was approximately 4 miles, or 6.4 kilometers (some of this route would be used after the assassination). The planned route to the Trade Mart was widely reported in Dallas newspapers several days before the event, for the benefit of people who wished to view the motorcade.

To pass through downtown Dallas, a route west along Dallas' Main Street, rather than Elm Street (one block to the north) was chosen, because this was the traditional parade route, and provided the maximal building and crowd views. The Main Street route precluded a direct turn onto the Fort Worth Turnpike exit (which served also as the Stemmons Freeway exit), which was the route to the Trade Mart, because this exit was accessible only from Elm Street. The planned motorcade route thus included a short one-block turn at the end of the downtown segment of Main Street, onto Houston Street for one block northward, before turning again west onto Elm, in order to proceed through Dealey Plaza before exiting Elm onto the Stemmons Freeway. The Texas School Book Depository was situated at this corner of Houston and Elm.

Three vehicles were used for secret service and police protection in the Dallas motorcade. The first car, an unmarked white Ford (hardtop), consisted of Dallas police chief Jesse Curry, secret service agent Win Lawson, Sheriff Bill Decker and Dallas field agent Forrest Sorrels. The second car, a 1961 Lincoln Continental convertible, consisted of driver agent Bill Greer, SAIC Roy Kellerman, governor John Connally, Nellie Connally, President Kennedy and Jackie Kennedy.

The third car, a 1955 Cadillac convertible code-named "Halfback," contained driver agent Sam Kinney, ATSAIC Emory Roberts, presidential aides Ken O'Donnell and Dave Powers, driver agent George Hickey and PRS agent Glen Bennett. Secret service agents Clint Hill, Jack Ready, Tim McIntyre and Paul Landis rode on the running boards. There was an AR-15 rifle in the third vehicle.

On November 22, after a breakfast speech in Fort Worth, where President Kennedy had stayed overnight after arriving from San Antonio, Houston and Washington, D.C. the previous day, the president boarded Air Force One, which departed at 11:10 and arrived at Love Field 15 minutes later. At about 11:40, the presidential motorcade left Love Field for the trip through Dallas, which was running on a schedule about 10 minutes longer than the planned 45 minutes, due to enthusiastic crowds estimated at 150,000–200,000 persons, and two unplanned stops directed by the president. By the time the motorcade reached Dealey Plaza they were only 5 minutes away from their planned destination.


This photograph by Associated Press photographer Ike Altgens captures President Kennedy's limousine as it proceeds down Elm Street in Dealey Plaza in Dallas, Texas on November 22, 1963. Altgen testified that he took it after the first shot and before any subsequent shots were fired. President Kennedy (his face blocked by the limousine's rearview mirror) has been shot through the neck, and his clenched left fist is raised in front of his throat. Mrs. Kennedy's gloved hand is on his arm. Governor Connally, seated in front of the President and turning to his right to look at him, has also been shot. In the front seat are two Secret Service agents. At the top right, an agent standing on the running board of the followup car looks back toward the Texas School Book Depository. In the background is the entrance to the Depository. The photo is significantly cropped here, showing only the left third of the original; note that this gives misleading impressions of where the photographer was standing and in what directions the spectators were looking.


Polaroid photo by Mary Moorman taken a fraction of a second after the fatal shot (detail).


Secret Service Special Agent Clint Hill climbs onto the Presidential limousine, seconds after the fatal shot.
Shooting in Dealey Plaza

At 12:29 p.m. CST, as President Kennedy's uncovered limousine entered Dealey Plaza, Nellie Connally, then the First Lady of Texas, turned around to President Kennedy, who was sitting behind her, and commented, "Mr. President, you can't say Dallas doesn't love you," which President Kennedy acknowledged.

From Houston Street, the presidential limousine made the planned left turn onto Elm Street, allowing it access to the Stemmons Freeway exit. As it turned on Elm, the motorcade passed the Texas School Book Depository. Shots were fired at President Kennedy as they continued down Elm Street. About 80% of the witnesses recalled hearing three shots.

A minority of the witnesses recognized the first gunshot blast they heard as a weapon blast, but there was hardly any reaction to the first shot from a majority of the people in the crowd or those riding in the motorcade. Many later said they heard what they first thought to be a firecracker, or the exhaust backfire of a vehicle, just after the President started waving.

Within one second of each other, President Kennedy, Governor Connally, and Mrs. Kennedy, all turned abruptly from looking to their left to looking to their right, between Zapruder film frames 155 and 169. Connally, a World War II military veteran like the President (and unlike the President, a longtime hunter), testified he immediately recognized the sound of a high-powered rifle, then he turned his head and torso rightward, attempting to see President Kennedy behind him. Governor Connally testified he could not see the President, so he then started to turn forward again (turning from his right to his left). Connally testified that when his head was facing about 20 degrees left of center, he was hit in his upper right back by a bullet he did not hear fired. The doctor who operated on Connally measured his head at the time he was hit as turned 27 degrees left of center. After Connally was hit he shouted, "Oh, no, no, no. My God. They're going to kill us all!"

Mrs. Connally testified that just after hearing a first loud, frightening noise that came from somewhere behind her and to her right, she turned toward President Kennedy and saw him with his arms and elbows raised high, with his hands in front of his face and throat. She then heard another gunshot and then Governor Connally yelling. Mrs. Connally then turned away from President Kennedy toward her husband, at which point another gunshot sounded and she and the limousine's rear interior were covered with fragments of skull, blood, and brain.

According to the Warren Commission, and the House Select Committee on Assassinations, as President Kennedy waved to the crowds on his right with his right arm upraised on the side of the limo, a shot entered his upper back, penetrated his neck, slightly damaged a spinal vertebra and the top of his right lung, and exited his throat nearly centerline just beneath his larynx, nicking the left side of his suit tie knot. He raised his elbows and clenched his fists in front of his face and neck, then leaned forward and left. Mrs. Kennedy, facing him, then put her arms around him in concern.

Governor Connally also reacted after the same bullet penetrated his back just below his right armpit, creating an oval entry wound, impacted and destroyed four inches of his right fifth rib, exited his chest just below his right nipple, creating a two-and-a-half inch oval sucking-air chest wound, entered his arm just above his right wrist, cleanly shattered his right radius bone into eight pieces, exited just below the wrist at the inner side of his right palm, and finally lodged in his left inner thigh. The Warren Commission theorized that the "single bullet" (see single bullet theory) struck sometime between Zapruder frames 210 to 225, while the House Select Committee theorized that it struck exactly at Zapruder frame 190.

According to the Warren Commission, a second shot struck the President at Zapruder film frame 313. The Commission made no conclusion as to whether this was the second or third bullet fired. The presidential limousine was then passing in front of the John Neely Bryan north pergola concrete structure. Meanwhile, the House Select Committee concluded that a fourth shot was then fired at almost the same time, from a separate sniper, but that it missed. Each body concluded that the second shot to hit the president entered the rear of his head (the House Select Committee placed the entry wound four inches higher than the Warren Commission placed it) and, passing in fragments through his head, created a large, roughly ovular hole on the rear, right side. The president's blood and fragments of his scalp, brain, and skull landed on the interior of the car, the inner and outer surfaces of the front glass windshield and raised sun visors, the front engine hood, the rear trunk lid, the followup Secret Service car and its driver's left arm, and motorcycle officers riding on both sides of the President behind him.

Mrs. Kennedy then reached out onto the rear trunk lid. After she crawled back into her limousine seat, both Governor Connally and Mrs. Connally heard her say more than once, "They have killed my husband," and "I have his brains in my hand." In a long-redacted interview for Life magazine days later, Mrs. Kennedy recalled, "All the ride to the hospital I kept bending over him saying, 'Jack, Jack, can you hear me? I love you, Jack.' I kept holding the top of his head down trying to keep the..." The President's widow could not finish her sentence.

United States Secret Service Special Agent Clint Hill was riding on the left front running board of the follow-up car, which was immediately behind the Presidential limousine. Hill testified that he heard one shot, then, as documented in other films and concurrent with Zapruder frame 308, he jumped off into Elm Street and ran forward to try to get on the limousine and protect the President. (Hill testified to the Warren Commission that after he jumped into Elm Street, he heard two more shots.)

After the President had been shot in the head, Mrs. Kennedy began to climb out onto the back of the limousine, though she later had no recollection of doing so. Hill believed she was reaching for something, perhaps a piece of the President's skull. He jumped onto the back of the limousine while at the same time Mrs. Kennedy returned to her seat, and he clung to the car as it exited Dealey Plaza and accelerated, speeding to Parkland Memorial Hospital.

Others wounded

Governor Connally, riding in the same limousine in a seat in front of the President and three inches more to the left than the President, was also critically injured but survived. Doctors later stated that after the Governor was shot, his wife pulled him onto her lap, and the resulting posture helped close his front chest wound (which was causing air to be sucked directly into his chest around his collapsed right lung).

James Tague, a spectator and witness to the assassination, also received a minor wound to his right cheek while standing 531 feet (162 m) away from the Depository's sixth floor, easternmost window, 270 feet (82 m) in front of and slightly to the right of President Kennedy's head facing direction, and more than 16 feet (4.9 m) below the top of the President's head. Tague's injury occurred when a bullet or bullet fragment with no copper casing struck the nearby Main Street south curb. When Tague testified to the Warren Commission and was asked which of the three shots he remembered hearing struck him, he stated it was the second or third shot. When the Warren Commission attorney pressed him further, Tague stated he was struck concurrent with the second shot.

Aftermath in Dealey Plaza

The presidential limousine was passing a grassy knoll on the north side of Elm Street at the moment of the fatal head shot. As the motorcade left the plaza, police officers and spectators ran up the knoll and from a railroad bridge over Elm Street (the triple underpass), to the area behind a five-foot (1.5 m) high stockade fence atop the knoll, separating it from a parking lot. No sniper was found. S. M. Holland, who had been watching the motorcade on the triple underpass, testified that "immediately" after the shots were fired, he went around the corner where the overpass joined the fence, but did not see anyone running from the area.

Lee Bowers, a railroad switchman sitting in a two-story tower, had an unobstructed view of the rear of the stockade fence atop the grassy knoll during the shooting. He saw a total of four men in the area between his tower and Elm Street: a middle-aged man and a younger man, standing 10 to 15 feet (3.0 to 4.6 m) apart near the triple underpass, who did not seem to know each other, and one or two uniformed parking lot attendants. At the time of the shooting, he saw "something out of the ordinary, a sort of milling around," which he could not identify. Bowers testified that one or both of the men were still there when motorcycle officer Clyde Haygood ran up the grassy knoll to the back of the fence. In a 1966 interview, Bowers clarified that the two men he saw were standing in the opening between the pergola and the fence, and that "no one" was behind the fence at the time the shots were fired.

Meanwhile, Howard Brennan, a steamfitter who was sitting across the street from the Texas School Book Depository, notified police that as he watched the motorcade go by, he heard a shot come from above, and looked up to see a man with a rifle make another shot from a corner window on the sixth floor. He said he had seen the same man minutes earlier looking out the window. Brennan gave a description of the shooter, which was broadcast to all Dallas police at 12:45 p.m., 12:48 p.m., and 12:55 p.m. After the second shot was fired, Brennan recalled, "This man I saw previous was aiming for his last shot ... and maybe paused for another second as though to assure himself that he had hit his mark."

As Brennan spoke to the police in front of the building, they were joined by Harold Norman and James Jarman, Jr., two employees of the Texas School Book Depository who had watched the motorcade from windows at the southeast corner of the fifth floor. Norman reported that he heard three gunshots come from directly over their heads. Norman also heard the sounds of a bolt action rifle and cartridges dropping on the floor above them.

Estimates of when Dallas police sealed off the entrances to the Texas School Book Depository range from 12:33 to after 12:50 p.m.

Of the 104 earwitnesses in Dealey Plaza who are on record with an opinion as to the direction from which the shots came, 54 (51.9%) thought that all shots came from the direction of the Texas School Book Depository, 33 (31.7%) thought that all shots came from the area of the grassy knoll or the triple underpass, 9 (8.7%) thought all shots came from a location entirely distinct from the knoll or the Depository, 5 (4.8%) thought they heard shots from two locations, and 3 (2.9%) thought the shots came from a direction consistent with both the knoll and the Depository.

Additionally, the Warren Commission said of the three shots they concluded were fired that "a substantial majority of the witnesses stated that the shots were not evenly spaced. Most witnesses recalled that the second and third shots were bunched together."


Howard Leslie Brennan sitting across the street from the Texas School Book Depository in the same position in Dealey Plaza in Dallas where he saw a man shooting a rifle at U.S. President John F. Kennedy from the corner window of the sixth floor, on November 22, 1963. Photograph (as marked by Brennan) from the Warren Commission Hearings and Evidence, vol. 17, p. 197, Commission Exhibit 477.
The photograph was taken on March 20, 1964, and marked by Brennan during his testimony to show the window (A) in which he saw a man with a rifle, and the window (B) on the fifth floor in which he saw people watching the motorcade.


The assassination site in 2008. White arrows indicate the sixth floor window of the Texas School Book Depository, and the mark on Elm Street is where Kennedy was hit in the head. The building seen close to the Depository is the Dal-Tex Building.

Bill and Jean Newman and their children fall on the grass north of Elm Street seconds after the assassination of U.S. President John F. Kennedy in Dallas, Texas, believing that they are in the line of fire. Photographing them are Tom Craven and Tom Atkins. On the grass at right is Cheryl McKinnon.


Dealey Plaza and Texas School Book Depository in 1969, looking much as they did in November 1963.
Lee Harvey Oswald

Main article: Lee Harvey Oswald

Lee Harvey Oswald, reported missing to the Dallas police by Roy Truly, his supervisor at the Depository, was arrested approximately 70 minutes after the assassination for the murder of Dallas police officer J. D. Tippit. According to witness Helen Markam, Tippit had spotted Oswald walking along a sidewalk in the residential neighborhood of Oak Cliff, three miles from Dealey Plaza. Officer Tippit had earlier received a radio message which gave a description of the suspect being sought in the assassination and called Oswald over to the patrol car.

Helen Markam testified that after an exchange of words, Tippit got out of his car and Oswald shot him four times. Oswald was next seen by shoe store manager Johnny Brewer "ducking into" the entrance alcove of his store. Suspicious of this activity, Brewer watched Oswald continue up the street and slip into the nearby Texas Theatre without paying. Brewer alerted the theater's ticket clerk, who telephoned police at about 1:40 p.m.

According to one of the arresting officers, M.N. McDonald, Oswald resisted arrest and was attempting to draw his pistol when he was struck and forcibly restrained by the police. He was charged with the murders of President Kennedy and Officer Tippit later that night. Oswald denied shooting anyone and claimed he was a patsy who was arrested because he had lived in the Soviet Union.

Oswald's case never came to trial because two days later, while being escorted to a car for transfer from Dallas Police Headquarters to the Dallas County Jail, he was shot and killed by Dallas nightclub owner Jack Ruby, live on American television. Arrested immediately after the shooting, Ruby later said that he had been distraught over the Kennedy assassination and that killing Oswald would spare "...Mrs. Kennedy the discomfiture of coming back to trial."

Carcano rifle


Authorities first declared that they found a German Mauser rifle, according to British philosopher Bertrand Russell, in his "Sixteen Questions" essay about the JFK Assassination. A 6.5 × 52 mm Italian Carcano M91/38 bolt-action rifle was found on the 6th floor of the Texas School Book Depository by Deputy Constable Seymour Weitzman and Deputy Sheriff Eugene Boone soon after the assassination of President Kennedy. The recovery was filmed by Tom Alyea of WFAA-TV.

This footage shows the rifle to be a Carcano, and it was later verified by photographic analysis commissioned by the HSCA that the rifle filmed was the same one later identified as the assassination weapon. Compared to photographs taken of Oswald holding the rifle in his backyard, "one notch in the stock at [a] point that appears very faintly in the photograph" matched, as well as the rifle's dimensions.

The previous March, the Carcano rifle had been bought by Oswald under the name "A. Hidell" and delivered to a post-office box Oswald rented in Dallas. According to the Warren Commission Report, a partial palm print of Oswald was also found on the barrel of the gun, and a tuft of fibers found in a crevice of the rifle was consistent with the fibers and colors of the shirt Oswald was wearing at the time of his arrest.
A bullet found on Governor Connally's hospital gurney, and two bullet fragments found in the Presidential limousine, were ballistically matched to this rifle.

President Kennedy declared dead in the emergency room


The staff at Parkland Hospital's Trauma Room 1 who treated President Kennedy observed that his condition was "moribund" (a mortal wound), meaning that he had no chance of survival upon arriving at the hospital. Dr. George Burkley, the President's personal physician, stated that a gunshot wound to the skull was the cause of death. Dr. Burkley signed President Kennedy's death certificate.

At 1:00 p.m., CST (19:00 UTC), after all heart activity had ceased and after Father Oscar Huber had administered the last rites, the President was pronounced dead. "We never had any hope of saving his life," one doctor said. Father Huber told The New York Times that the President was already dead by the time he arrived at the hospital, and he had to draw back a sheet covering the President's face to administer the sacrament of Extreme Unction. President Kennedy's death was officially announced by White House Acting Press Secretary Malcolm Kilduff at 1:33 p.m. CST (19:33 UTC). Kilduff was acting press secretary on the trip because Pierre Salinger was traveling to Japan with half the Cabinet, including Secretary of State Dean Rusk. Governor Connally, meanwhile, was taken to emergency surgery, where he underwent two operations that day.

By Texas law, the President's body could not legally be removed from the hospital before an autopsy had been performed. This caused a brief scuffle between Dallas officials and members of the President's security detail. The impasse ended when Secret Service agents put the officials against the wall at gunpoint.

A few minutes after 2:00 p.m. CST (20:00 UTC), President Kennedy's body was taken from Parkland Hospital and driven to Air Force One. The casket was then loaded aboard the airplane through the rear door, where it remained at the rear of the passenger compartment, in place of a removed row of seats. The body was removed before a forensic examination could be conducted by the Dallas County Coroner Earl Rose, who had jurisdiction. At that time, it was not a federal offense to kill the President of the United States, although it was a federal crime to conspire to injure a federal officer while he was acting in the line of duty. Vice-President Lyndon B. Johnson, who became President upon President Kennedy's death, and had been riding two cars behind President Kennedy in the motorcade, refused to leave for Washington without President Kennedy and his widow.

At 2:38 p.m. CST (20:38 UTC), Vice-President Johnson took the oath of office on board Air Force One just before it departed from Love Field, with Jacqueline Kennedy at his side.


Drawing depicting the posterior head wound of U.S. President John F. Kennedy. The hand at the top is holding a portion of his scalp in place. Made by medical illustrator Ida G. Dox from an autopsy photograph, and published as Figure 13 on page 104 of volume 7 (Medical and Firearms Evidence) of the Appendix to Hearings Before the Select Committee on Assassinations of the U.S. House of Representatives(1979).

Vincent Bugliosi writes in Reclaiming History, Endnote pp. 258–259,

In order for the entrance wound photograph to be taken, the autopsy surgeons lifted the president’s right shoulder from the autopsy table, and rolled him onto his left shoulder. Then, per his own testimony, Dr. Boswell gathered together these loose strands of scalp between his thumb and index finger and drew them forward across the gaping hole in the right front of the skull, thereby making the entrance wound on the back of the president’s head clearly visible to the photographer’s camera (ARRB Transcript of Proceedings, Deposition of Dr. J. Thornton Boswell, February 26, 1996, pp.97, 149–150, 164). Though the act of pulling the loose scalp forward across the top right of the head made the entrance wound visible, it also briefly covered the large exit defect on the right front side of the president’s head.
Autopsy


The autopsy was performed, beginning at about 8 p.m. and ending at about midnight EST at the Bethesda Naval Hospital in Bethesda, Maryland. The choice of autopsy hospital in the Washington, D.C. area was made at the request of Mrs. Kennedy, on the basis that John F. Kennedy had been a naval officer.

Funeral


The state funeral took place in Washington, DC during the three days that followed the assassination.

The body of President Kennedy was brought back to Washington, D.C. and placed in the East Room of the White House for 24 hours. On the Sunday after the assassination, his coffin was carried on a horse-drawn caisson to the U.S. Capitol to lie in state. Throughout the day and night, hundreds of thousands lined up to view the guarded casket. Representatives from over 90 countries attended the state funeral on Monday, November 25. After the Requiem Mass at St. Matthew's Cathedral, the late President was laid to rest at Arlington National Cemetery in Virginia.

Recordings of the assassination

No radio or television stations broadcast the assassination live because the area through which the motorcade was traveling was not considered important enough for a live broadcast. Most media crews were not even with the motorcade but were waiting instead at the Dallas Trade Mart in anticipation of President Kennedy's arrival. Those members of the media who were with the motorcade were riding at the rear of the procession.

The Dallas police were recording their radio transmissions over two channels. A frequency designated as Channel One was used for routine police communications. A second channel, designated Channel Two, was an auxiliary channel, which was dedicated to the President's motorcade. Up until the time of the assassination, most of the broadcasts on this channel consisted of Police Chief Jesse Curry's announcements of the location of the motorcade as it wound through the streets of Dallas.

President Kennedy's last seconds traveling through Dealey Plaza were recorded on silent 8 mm film for the 26.6 seconds before, during, and immediately following the assassination. This famous film footage was taken by garment manufacturer and amateur cameraman Abraham Zapruder, in what became known as the Zapruder film. Frame enlargements from the Zapruder film were published by Lifemagazine shortly after the assassination. The footage was first shown publicly as a film at the trial of Clay Shaw in 1969, and on television in 1975. According to the Guinness Book of World Records, an arbitration panel ordered the U.S. government to pay $615,384 per second of film to Zapruder's heirs for giving the film to the National Archives. The complete film, which lasts for 26 seconds, was valued at $16 million.

Zapruder was not the only person who photographed at least part of the assassination; a total of 32 photographers were in Dealey Plaza. Amateur movies taken by Orville Nix, Marie Muchmore (shown on television in New York on November 26, 1963), and photographer Charles Bronson captured the fatal shot, although at a greater distance than Zapruder. Other motion picture films were taken in Dealey Plaza at or around the time of the shooting by Robert Hughes, F. Mark Bell, Elsie Dorman, John Martin Jr., Patsy Paschall, Tina Towner, James Underwood, Dave Wiegman, Mal Couch, Thomas Atkins, and an unknown woman in a blue dress on the south side of Elm Street.

Still photos were taken by Phillip Willis, Mary Moorman, Hugh W. Betzner Jr., Wilma Bond, Robert Croft, and many others. The lone professional photographer in Dealey Plaza who was not in the press cars was Ike Altgens, photo editor for the Associated Press in Dallas.
An unidentified woman, nicknamed the Babushka Lady by researchers, might have been filming the Presidential motorcade during the assassination. She was seen apparently doing so on film and in photographs taken by the others.

Previously unknown color footage filmed on the assassination day by George Jefferies was released on February 19, 2007 by the Sixth Floor Museum, Dallas, Texas. The film does not include the shooting, having been taken roughly 90 seconds beforehand and a couple of blocks away. The only detail relevant to the investigation of the assassination is a clear view of President Kennedy's bunched suit jacket, just below the collar, which has led to different calculations about how low in the back President Kennedy was first shot (see discussion above).

Official investigations

Dallas Police

After arresting Oswald and collecting physical evidence at the crime scenes, the Dallas Police held Oswald at the police headquarters for interrogation. Oswald was questioned all afternoon about both the Tippit shooting and the assassination of the President. He was questioned intermittently for approximately 12 hours between 2:30 p.m., on November 22, and 11 a.m., on November 24. Throughout this interrogation Oswald denied any involvement with either the assassination of President Kennedy or the murder of Patrolman Tippit. Captain Fritz of the homicide and robbery bureau did most of the questioning, keeping only rudimentary notes. Days later, he wrote a report of the interrogation from notes he made afterwards. There were no stenographic or tape recordings. Representatives of other law enforcement agencies were also present, including the FBI and the Secret Service, and occasionally participated in the questioning. Several of the FBI agents present wrote contemporaneous reports of the interrogation.

During the evening of November 22, the Dallas Police Department performed paraffin tests on Oswald's hands and right cheek in an apparent effort to determine, by means of a scientific test, whether Oswald had recently fired a weapon. The results were positive for the hands and negative for the right cheek. Because of the unreliability of these tests, the Warren Commission did not rely on the results of the test in making their findings.

Oswald provided little information during his questioning. When confronted with evidence which he could not explain he resorted to statements which were found to be false. Dallas authorities were not able to complete their investigation into the assassination of President Kennedy because of interruptions from the FBI and the murder of Oswald by Jack Ruby

FBI investigation

The FBI was the first authority to complete an investigation. On December 9, 1963, the FBI issued a report and gave it to the Warren Commission.

The FBI stated that three bullets were fired during the Kennedy assassination; the Warren Commission agreed with the FBI investigation that three shots were fired but disagreed with the FBI report on which shots hit Kennedy and which hit Governor Connally. The FBI report claimed that the first shot hit President Kennedy, the second shot hit Governor Connally, and the third shot hit President Kennedy in the head, killing him. In contrast, the Warren Commission concluded that one of the three shots missed, one of the shots hit President Kennedy and then struck Governor Connally, and a third shot struck President Kennedy in the head, killing him.

Criticism of FBI

The FBI's murder investigation was reviewed by the House Select Committee on Assassinations in 1979. The congressional Committee concluded:
  • The Federal Bureau of Investigation adequately investigated Lee Harvey Oswald prior to the assassination and properly evaluated the evidence it possessed to assess his potential to endanger the public safety in a national emergency.
  • The Federal Bureau of Investigation conducted a thorough and professional investigation into the responsibility of Lee Harvey Oswald for the assassination.
  • The Federal Bureau of Investigation failed to investigate adequately the possibility of a conspiracy to assassinate the President.
  • The Federal Bureau of Investigation was deficient in its sharing of information with other agencies and departments.
Criticism of Secret Service

Sgt. Davis, of the Dallas Police Department, believed he had prepared stringent security precautions, in an attempt to prevent demonstrations like those marking the Adlai Stevenson visit from happening again. The previous month, Stevenson, the United States Ambassador to the United Nations, was assaulted by an anti-UN demonstrator. But Winston Lawson of the Secret Service, who was in charge of the planning, told the Dallas Police not to assign its usual squad of experienced homicide detectives to follow immediately behind the President's car. This police protection was routine for both visiting presidents and for motorcades of other visiting dignitaries. Police Chief Jesse Curry later testified that had his men been in place, they might have been able to stop the assassin before he fired a second shot, because they carried submachine guns and rifles.

An investigation by the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) in 1979 concluded that "the Secret Service was deficient in the performance of its duties." The HSCA stated:

·         That President Kennedy had not received adequate protection in Dallas.

·         That the Secret Service possessed information that was not properly analyzed, investigated, or used by the Secret Service in connection with the President's trip to Dallas.

·         That the Secret Service agents in the motorcade were inadequately prepared to protect the President from a sniper.

The HSCA specifically noted:

No actions were taken by the agent in the right front seat of the Presidential limousine [ Roy Kellerman ] to cover the President with his body, although it would have been consistent with Secret Service procedure for him to have done so. The primary function of the agent was to remain at all times in close proximity to the President in the event of such emergencies.

Warren Commission

Main article: Warren Commission

The President's Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy, known unofficially as the Warren Commission, was established on November 29, 1963, by President Lyndon Johnson to investigate the assassination. Its 888-page final report was presented to President Johnson on September 24, 1964, and made public three days later. It concluded that Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone in the killing of President Kennedy and the wounding of Texas Governor John Connally, and that Jack Ruby also acted alone in the murder of Oswald. The Commission's findings have since proven controversial and been both challenged and supported by later studies.

The Commission took its unofficial name—the Warren Commission—from its chairman, Chief Justice Earl Warren. According to published transcripts of Johnson's presidential phone conversations, some major officials were opposed to forming such a commission, and several commission members took part only with extreme reluctance. One of their chief reservations was that a commission would ultimately create more controversy than consensus, and those fears proved valid. The Commissions were printed off at Doubleday book publishing company located in Smithsburg, Maryland.

Ramsey Clark Panel

In 1968, a panel of four medical experts appointed by Attorney General Ramsey Clark met in Washington, D.C. to examine various photographs, X-ray films, documents, and other evidence about the death of President Kennedy. The Clark Panel determined that President Kennedy was struck by two bullets fired from above and behind him, one of which traversed the base of the neck on the right side without striking bone and the other of which entered the skull from behind and destroyed its upper right side.

Rockefeller Commission

The United States President's Commission on CIA activities within the United States was set up under President Gerald Ford in 1975 to investigate the activities of the CIA within the United States. The commission was led by Vice-President Nelson Rockefeller, and is sometimes referred to as the Rockefeller Commission.

Part of the commission's work dealt with the Kennedy assassination, specifically the head snap as seen in the Zapruder film (first shown to the general public in 1975), and the possible presence of E. Howard Hunt and Frank Sturgis in Dallas. The commission concluded that neither Hunt nor Sturgis were in Dallas at the time of the assassination.

Church Committee

Church Committee is the common term referring to the United States Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, a U.S. Senate committee chaired by Senator Frank Church, to investigate the illegal intelligence gathering by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) after the Watergateincident. It also investigated the CIA and FBI conduct relating to the JFK assassination.

Their report concluded that the investigation on the assassination by FBI and CIA were fundamentally deficient and the facts which have greatly affected the investigation had not been forwarded to the Warren Commission by the agencies. It also found that the FBI, the agency with primary responsibility on the matter, was ordered by Director Hoover and pressured by unnamed higher government officials to conclude its investigation quickly. The report hinted that there was a possibility that senior officials in both agencies made conscious decisions not to disclose potentially important information.

United States House Select Committee on Assassinations


As a result of increasing public pressure caused partly by the finding of the Church Committee, the United States House of Representatives Select Committee on Assassinations(HSCA) was established in 1976 to investigate the assassinations of President Kennedy and Martin Luther King, Jr. and the shooting of Governor George Wallace. The committee was both controversial and divided among themselves. The first chairman, Thomas N. Downing of Virginia retired in January 1977 and was replaced by Henry B. Gonzalez on February 2, 1977. Gonzalez sought to replace Chief Counsel Richard Sprague. Eventually both Gonzalez and Sprague resigned and Louis Stokes became the new chairman. G. Robert Blakey was then appointed Chief Counsel and his deputy Robert K. Tanenbaum resigned soon afterwards.

The Committee investigated until 1978, and in 1979 issued its final report, concluding that President John F. Kennedy was probably assassinated as a result of a conspiracy. The Committee concluded that previous investigations properly investigated Oswald's responsibility but did not adequately investigate the possibility of a conspiracy, and that the Warren Commission presented its conclusions too definitively. The Committee also found that the FBI and CIA were deficient in sharing information. Furthermore the Secret Service did not properly analyze information it possessed prior to the assassination and was inadequately prepared to protect the President.

Although the HSCA concluded that President Kennedy was "probably" assassinated as the result of a conspiracy it did not offer the name of any person or group it thought had conspired with Oswald. Instead the HSCA listed several organizations that it did not think were involved, including the governments of the Soviet Union and Cuba, organized crime groups and anti-Castro groups, but noted that it could not rule out the involvement of any individuals of these groups.

Four of the twelve committee members wrote dissenting opinions. Chris Dodd did not think that Oswald fired all three shots from the depository and wanted more investigation into the matter. Three other members did not think there was a second shooter or a conspiracy. According to Robert W. Edgar the committee was swayed at the last minute by the introduction of acoustic analysis of a Dictabelt recording of radio transmissions made by the Dallas Police Department. Prior to that a draft of the committee's report said "the available scientific evidence is insufficient to find that there was a conspiracy." The final report said: "Scientifically, the existence of the second gunman was established only by the acoustical study, but its basic validity was corroborated or independently substantiated by the various other scientific projects." Three dissenters, Edgar, Devine and Sawyer, were not convinced by the Dictabelt analysis. Subsequent examinations of the recording by the National Academy of Sciences, by the FBI, and by the Justice Department disputed the Dictabelt evidence, and in turn the NAS's analysis was contested by Donald Thomas, see Dictabelt evidence relating to the assassination of John F. Kennedy. The back and forth on the acoustics evidence continues to this day.

The HSCA made several accusations of deficiency against the Secret Service, the Department of Justice, the FBI, the CIA and the Warren Commission. The accusations encompassed organizational failures, miscommunication, and a desire to keep certain parts of their operations secret. Furthermore, the Warren Commission expected these agencies to be forthcoming with any information that would aid their investigation. But the FBI and CIA only saw it as their duty to respond to specific requests for information from the commission. The HSCA found the FBI and CIA were deficient in performing even that limited role.

The House Select Committee on Assassinations was conducted mostly in secret. They issued a public report but much of its evidence was sealed for 50 years under Congressional rules. In 1992, Congress passed legislation to collect and open up all the evidence relating to Kennedy's death, and created the Assassination Records Review Board to further that goal.

Sealing of assassination records

All of the Warren Commission's records were submitted to the National Archives in 1964. The unpublished portion of those records was initially sealed for 75 years (to 2039) under a general National Archives policy that applied to all federal investigations by the executive branch of government, a period "intended to serve as protection for innocent persons who could otherwise be damaged because of their relationship with participants in the case.” The 75-year rule no longer exists, supplanted by the Freedom of Information Act of 1966 and the JFK Records Act of 1992. By 1992, 98% of the Warren Commission records had been released to the public. Six years later, at the conclusion of the Assassination Records Review Board's work, all Warren Commission records, except those records that contained tax return information, were available to the public with only minor redactions. The remaining Kennedy assassination related documents are scheduled to be released to the public by 2017, twenty-five years after the passage of the JFK Records Act. Among the items most sought after by researchers are some 1,171 documents still closed by the CIA on national security grounds.

The Kennedy autopsy photographs and X-rays were never part of the Warren Commission records and were deeded separately to the National Archives by the Kennedy family in 1966 under restricted conditions.

Several pieces of evidence and documentation are described to have been lost, cleaned, or missing from the original chain of evidence (e.g., limousine cleaned out on November 24, Connally's clothing cleaned and pressed, Oswald's military intelligence file destroyed in 1973, Connally's Stetson hat and shirt sleeve gold cufflink missing).

Jackie Kennedy's blood-splattered pink and navy Chanel suit that she wore on the day of the assassination is in climate controlled storage in the National Archives. Jackie wore the suit for the remainder of the day, stating "I want them to see what they have done to Jack" when asked aboard Air Force One to change into another outfit. Not included in the National Archives are the white gloves and pink pillbox hat she was wearing.

Assassination Records Review Board

The Assassination Records Review Boardwas not commissioned to make any findings or conclusions. Its purpose was to release documents to the public in order to allow the public to draw its own conclusions. From 1992 until 1998, the Assassination Records Review Board gathered and unsealed about 60,000 documents, consisting of over 4 million pages. All remaining documents are to be released by 2017.


"Wanted for Treason". Infamous handbill circulated on November 21, 1963 In Dallas, Texas, one day before John F. Kennedy visited the city and was assassinated.
Conspiracy theories


From the day of the assassination, many Americans suspected that a conspiracy, and not a lone gunman, was responsible for President Kennedy's death. Polls taken that day through November 27, 1963 by Gallup showed 52 percent believing "some group or element" was behind the assassination.

Before the Warren Commission issued its report which concluded Oswald acted alone, several books had already been published suggesting a conspiracy was behind the assassination. Within a few months of the assassination, lawyer Mark Lane, who had been hired by Oswald’s mother Marguerite to represent Oswald’s interests before the Warren Commission, had formed his Citizens' Committee of Inquiry on the assassination and was speaking in the United States and Europe in early 1964, challenging the work of the Warren Commission, even before it had published its findings.

Upon the publication of the Warren Report in September, 1964, only a minority 31.6 percent of Americans rejected the conclusion that Oswald had acted alone, with 55.5 percent accepting the Report's conclusion. But since then, public opinion has consistently shown majorities, often large majorities, believing a conspiracy had been in place. In 1966, Lane's Rush to Judgment was published, spending six months on The New York Times best-seller list. The book accused the Warren Commission of "being biased towards its conclusions before the facts were known," and cited evidence found within the 26 volumes of the Warren Report and in his interviews with witnesses which seemed to suggest bullets coming from multiple directions striking the president and hence a conspiracy. The Freedom of Information Act was also passed that year, which had the effect of permitting researchers greater access to once-secret government files, particularly those connected to the Warren Commission.

Many researchers were now investigating the assassination, most of whom believed the Warren Report was at best inaccurate and at worst a lie. In July 1966, in commenting on Edward Jay Epstein's book Inquest, which focused on the inner workings of the Warren Commission, Richard N. Goodwin became the first of Kennedy’s inner circle to publicly call for a review of the Warren Report. That November, former assistant to the president and Pulitzer-prize winning author Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. called on Congress to initiate a new inquiry. That same month, Life magazine called for a new investigation as did The Saturday Evening Post the following January. The New York Times, in an editorial dated November 25, 1966, did not call for a re-investigation, but said that the Warren Commission and its staff should address "the many puzzling questions that have been raised... There are enough solid doubts of thoughtful persons."

In 1967, Six Seconds in Dallas by Josiah Thompson was published. The book was the first to focus on many technical aspects not previously discussed by other authors, such as firearms, bullet trajectories, medical and photographic evidence. Thompson, who was a consultant to Life magazine, had unique access to a first-generation print of the Zapruder film and was the first to suggest that President Kennedy was struck by two near-simultaneous bullets to the head, one from the rear, the other from the right front.

That March, New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison announced he would prosecute local businessman Clay Shaw for the murder of President Kennedy, and, galvanized, many Warren Commission critics descended on New Orleans. Public interest in the trial was high, with a Harris poll that May showing nearly two of three Americans saying they were following the investigation. The same poll indicated 66 percent believed there was a conspiracy, compared to 44 percent who believed that in a Harris poll done in February.

Garrison was also notable for being among the first to assert that there were two conspiracies: The first conspiracy being the one which engineered the assassination of the president; the second conspiracy being the deliberate cover-up by the Warren Commission to hide the true facts of the assassination.

Shaw was acquitted in March, 1969, and the conspiracy movement was dealt a blow as Garrison’s trial was widely seen as a debacle, with many researchers denouncing Garrison as a fraud and megalomaniac. Further, as conspiracy theorist Robert Anson put it, because of Garrison, "bills in Congress asking for a new investigation were quietly shelved." Nevertheless, the trial opened new avenues of investigations for the movement, particularly with previously unexplored New Orleans connections and links of others to Oswald.

The year 1973 saw the release of the film Executive Action starring Burt Lancaster, the first Hollywood depiction of events surrounding the assassination. In the film, three gunmen shoot President Kennedy in a conspiracy led by right-wing elements and military/industrial interests. That year also saw the formation of the Assassination Information Bureau. The influential group spoke to ever-growing audiences at hundreds of colleges throughout the United States, urging a reopening of the investigation, and was ultimately instrumental in the realization of that goal in 1977.

In March 1975, Good Night America broadcast, for the first time, the Zapruder film, with an audience of millions watching. Almost immediately, with the film showing a backward snap of President Kennedy’s head, indicating to many a shot from the right front and hence a conspiracy, there were new demands for a re-investigation. The findings of the Rockefeller Commission that year and the Church Committee the next year added impetus to calls for a new inquiry, which was realized by the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) from 1977 to 1979. That investigation concluded President Kennedy "was probably assassinated as a result of a conspiracy".

While the HSCA's conclusion was welcomed by many in the conspiracy community, the HSCA’s inability to name any players in the conspiracy they identified, and their actions in sealing much of their documentation, left many in the community frustrated.

Numerous books, television shows and articles continued to appear. Writing in 2007, Vincent Bugliosi said, "close to one thousand books" had been published on the subject of the assassination, of which "over 95 percent" were pro-conspiracy. Some notable books to 1990 were Anthony Summers'Conspiracy (later revised and published as Not in Your Lifetime, David Lifton's best-selling Best Evidence, both published in 1980, and Henry Hurt's Reasonable Doubt in 1985. The Summers and Hurt books explore many of the prominent conspiracy theories, while Lifton argues that President Kennedy’s wounds were altered before the autopsy to frame Oswald. Jim Marrs published Crossfire in 1989, the same year High Treason, by Robert J. Groden and Harrison Livingstone was published. The latter book argued the autopsy photos were altered to give the appearance that wounds were caused by shots from a single gunman.

By the late 80s, interest in the subject among the general public was waning. One theory for this from writer Pete Hamill was that by 1988, "an entire generation had come to maturity with no memory at all of the Kennedy years." In 1991, Oliver Stone's film JFK introduced the subject – and many of the attendant conspiracy theories – to a new generation of Americans. The sudden renewed interest in the assassination led to the passage by Congress of the JFK Records Act in 1992. The Act created the Assassination Records Review Board to implement the Act’s mandate to release all sealed documents related to the assassination. Thousands of documents were released between 1994 and 1998, providing new material for researchers.

To date, there is no consensus on who, among many players, may have been involved in a conspiracy to kill President Kennedy. Those often mentioned as being part of a conspiracy include Jack Ruby, organized crime as an organization or organized crime individuals, the CIA, the FBI, the Secret Service, the KGB, right-wing groups or right-wing individuals, President Lyndon Johnson, pro- or anti-Castro Cubans, the military and/or industrial groups allied with the military.

Reaction to the assassination


The assassination evoked stunned reactions worldwide. Before the President's death was announced, the first hour after the shooting was a time of great confusion. Taking place during the Cold War, it was at first unclear whether the shooting might be part of a larger attack upon the U.S., and whether Vice-President Lyndon Johnson, who had been riding two cars behind in the motorcade, was safe.

The news shocked the nation. People wept openly and gathered in department stores to watch the television coverage, while others prayed. Traffic in some areas came to a halt as the news spread from car to car. Schools across the U.S. dismissed their students early. Anger against Texas and Texans was reported from some individuals. Various Cleveland Browns fans, for example, carried signs at the next Sunday's home game against the Dallas Cowboys decrying the city of Dallas as having "killed the President."

The event left a lasting impression on many Americans. As with the December 7, 1941 attack on Pearl Harbor before it and the September 11, 2001 attacks after it, asking "Where were you when you heard about President Kennedy's assassination" would become a common topic of discussion.

Artifacts, museums and locations today

The plane serving as Air Force One is on display at the National Museum of the United States Air Force in Dayton, Ohio, where tours of the aircraft are offered including the rear of the aircraft where President Kennedy's casket was placed and the location where Mrs. Kennedy stood in her blood stained pink dress while Vice-President Lyndon Johnson was sworn in as president. The 1961 Lincoln Continental limousine is at the Henry Ford Museum in Dearborn, Michigan.

Equipment from the trauma room at Parkland Memorial Hospital, where President Kennedy was pronounced dead, including a gurney, was purchased by the federal government from the hospital in 1973 and stored by the National Archives at an underground facility in Lenexa, Kansas. The First Lady's pink suit, the autopsy report, the X-rays, President Kennedy's jacket, shirt and tie are stored in the National Archives facility in College Park, Maryland, and access is controlled by a representative of the Kennedy family. The rifle used by Oswald, his diary, revolver, bullet fragments, and the windshield of Kennedy's limousine are also stored by the Archives. The Lincoln Catafalque, which President Kennedy's coffin rested on while he lay in state in the Capitol, is on display at the United States Capitol Visitor Center.

The three-acre park within Dealey Plaza, the buildings facing it, the overpass, and a portion of the adjacent railyard – including the railroad switching tower – were designated part of the Dealey Plaza Historic District by the National Park Service on October 12, 1993. Much of the area is accessible to visitors, including the park and grassy knoll. Though still an active city street, the approximate spot where the presidential limousine was located at the time of the shooting is marked with an X on the street. The Texas School Book Depository now draws over 325,000 visitors each year to the Sixth Floor Museum at Dealey Plaza operated by the Dallas County Historical Foundation. There is a re-creation of the sniper's nest on the sixth floor of the building.

At the Historic Auto Attractions museum in Roscoe, Illinois, are permanently displayed items related to the assassination such as the catalogue Oswald used to order the rifle, a hat and jacket that belonged to Jack Ruby and the shoes he wore when he shot Oswald, and a window from the Texas School Book Depository. The Texas State Archives have the clothes Governor Connally wore on November 22, 1963.

Some items were intentionally destroyed by the U.S. government at the direction of Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, such as the casket used to transport President Kennedy's body aboard Air Force One from Dallas to Washington, which was dropped by the Air Force into the sea as "its public display would be extremely offensive and contrary to public policy". Other items such as the hat worn by Jack Ruby the day he shot Lee Harvey Oswald and the toe tag on Oswald's corpse are in the hands of private collectors and have sold for tens of thousands of dollars at auctions.

Jack Ruby's gun, owned by his brother Earl Ruby, was sold by the Herman Darvick Autograph Auctions in New York City on December 26, 1991, for $220,000.

OTHER LINKS:


Official White House portrait of President John F. Kennedy

John F. Kennedy’s Top 10 Accomplishments

1.John F. Kennedy accomplished what no other American had done — he became the first Catholic president of the United States.

2.To this day, John F. Kennedy's call for Americans to serve their country has remained an inspiring and memorable appeal.

3.Among John F. Kennedy's most notable and long-standing accomplishments was the establishment of the Peace Corps, an organization that is now responsible for sending thousands of American volunteers around the world to help the needy.

4.It was John F. Kennedy's cautious and sensible approach to the standoff during the Cuban missile crisis that ultimately diverted a nuclear war with the Soviet Union and secured the removal of missiles from Cuba.

5.John F. Kennedy was committed to landing a man on the moon, and although it occurred after his death, it was his support of space exploration that helped make it happen.

6.John F. Kennedy's perseverance was instrumental in securing a limited nuclear test ban treaty with the Soviet Union.

7.It was John F. Kennedy's dedication that helped secure the passage of the Area Redevelopment Act, which assisted states that were suffering from high rates of unemployment.

8.Under John F. Kennedy's administration, laws were put in place to end segregation in interstate travel facilities.

9.John F. Kennedy helped promote the arts by holding concerts, plays, and musicals at the White House.

10.John F. Kennedy issued an executive order prohibiting discrimination in the sale or lease of housing that was financed by federally guaranteed loans or owned by the federal government.

PLEASE SEE THIS VIDEO:




IN LOVING MEMORY OF JFK [SOLDIERS’ QUOTE OF THE MONTH ~ 2013]

$
0
0


NOTE: I will be posting either a soldiers’ quote or soldiers’ article once a month.

            50 years ago on this date, November 22, 1963, the 35th President of the United States, John F. Kennedy was assassinated in Dealey Plaza, Dallas, Texas. To honor this fallen President, I will post one of his soldiers’ quote for the month and also a miscellaneous quote from him.


President John F. Kennedy (United States Navy photo)

AUTHOR:John Fitzgerald Kennedy (May 29, 1917 – November 22, 1963), commonly known as "Jack" or by his initials JFK, was the 35th President of the United States, serving from January 1961 until he was assassinated in November 1963.

After military service as commander of Motor Torpedo Boats PT-109 and PT-59during World War II in the South Pacific, Kennedy represented Massachusetts' 11th congressional district in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1947 to 1953 as a Democrat. Thereafter, he served in the U.S. Senate from 1953 until 1960. Kennedy defeated Vice President and Republican candidate Richard Nixon in the 1960 U.S. presidential election. At age 43, he was the youngest to have been elected to the office, the second-youngest president (after Theodore Roosevelt), and the first person born in the 20th century to serve as president. To date, Kennedy, a Catholic, has been the only non-Protestant president and the only president to have won a Pulitzer Prize.
Events during his presidency included the Bay of Pigs Invasion, the Cuban Missile Crisis, the Space Race—by initiating Project Apollo (which would culminate in the moon landing), the building of the Berlin Wall, the African-American Civil Rights Movement, and early stages of the Vietnam War. Therein, Kennedy increased the number of military advisers, special operation forces, and helicopters in an effort to curb the spread of communism in South East Asia. The Kennedy administration adopted the policy of the Strategic Hamlet Program which was implemented by the South Vietnamese government. It involved certain forced relocation, village internment, and segregation of rural South Vietnamese from northern and southern communist insurgents. 

Kennedy was assassinated on November 22, 1963, in Dallas, Texas. Lee Harvey Oswald was accused of the crime and arrested that evening, but Jack Ruby shot and killed him two days later, before a trial could take place. The FBI and the Warren Commission officially concluded that Oswald was the lone assassin. However, the United States House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) concluded that those investigations were flawed and that Kennedy was probably assassinated as the result of a conspiracy. Kennedy's controversial Department of Defense TFX fighter bomber program led to a Congressional investigation that lasted from 1963 to 1970. Since the 1960s, information concerning Kennedy's private life has come to light. Details of Kennedy's health problems with which he struggled have become better known, especially since the 1990s. Although initially kept secret from the general public, reports of Kennedy's philandering have garnered much press. Kennedy ranks highly in public opinion ratings of U.S. presidents.

IN LOVING MEMORY OF C.S. LEWIS (THE 50TH ANNIVERSARY OF HIS DEATH) [PRO LIFE QUOTE OF THE FORTNIGHT ~ SUNDAY NOVEMBER 17, 2013 TO SATURDAY NOVEMBER 30, 2013]

$
0
0


 
C.S. Lewis

QUOTE:C. S. Lewis put it this way in Mere Christianity: “Creatures are not born with desires unless satisfaction for these desires exists. A baby feels hunger; well, there is such a thing as food. A duckling wants to swim; well, there is such a thing as water. Men feel sexual desire; well, there is such a thing as sex. If I find in myself a desire which no experience in this world can satisfy, the most probable explanation is that I was made for another world.”

AUTHOR: Clive Staples Lewis (29 November 1898 – 22 November 1963), commonly called C. S. Lewis and known to his friends and family as "Jack", was a novelist, poet, academic, medievalist, literary critic, essayist, lay theologian, and Christian apologist. Born in Belfast, Ireland, he held academic positions at both Oxford University (Magdalen College), 1925–1954, and Cambridge University (Magdalene College), 1954–1963. He is best known both for his fictional work, especially The Screwtape Letters, The Chronicles of Narnia, and The Space Trilogy, and for his non-fiction Christian apologetics, such as Mere Christianity, Miracles, and The Problem of Pain.
Lewis and fellow novelist J. R. R. Tolkien were close friends. Both authors served on the English faculty at Oxford University, and both were active in the informal Oxford literary group known as the "Inklings". According to his memoir Surprised by Joy, Lewis had been baptized in the Church of Ireland (part of the Anglican Communion) at birth, but fell away from his faith during his adolescence. Owing to the influence of Tolkien and other friends, at the age of 32 Lewis returned to the Anglican Communion, becoming "a very ordinary layman of the Church of England". His faith had a profound effect on his work, and his wartime radio broadcasts on the subject of Christianity brought him wide acclaim.
In 1956, he married the American writer Joy Davidman, 17 years his junior, who died four years later of cancer at the age of 45. Lewis died three years after his wife, from renal failure, one week before his 65th birthday. Media coverage of his death was minimal; he died on 22 November 1963—the same day that U.S. President John F. Kennedy was assassinated, and the same day another famous author, Aldous Huxley, died. In 2013, on the 50th anniversary of his death, Lewis will be honoured with a memorial in Poets' Corner, Westminster Abbey.
Lewis's works have been translated into more than 30 languages and have sold millions of copies. The books that make up The Chronicles of Narnia have sold the most and have been popularized on stage, TV, radio, and cinema.

Viewing all 1603 articles
Browse latest View live




Latest Images